The Hungarian Student, 1961

The role of MEFESZ during the Revolution It was impossible to stop the trend. MEFESZ organizations were formed one after another in every University and college of the country. In Pecs, Miskolc, Sopron, Debrecen and Vesz­prém. The most astounding example of the revolutionary role of the students was seen in Sopron where the students’ government handled all the supplies and ran the whole city life. During this time the students did everything in Sopron from baking bread to keeping order. We must not fail to mention that the MEFESZ from the moment of its for­mation, paid special attention to esta­blishing contact with the working youth. The statutory meeting in Szeged decided that the new MEFESZ organization must create small groups of three per­sons to visit the major factories of the city and to contribute to the creation of prisons full of fascist? a misinformed student Hungarian Army (partisan) he showed such daring and audacity behind Ger­man lines that he received a high deco­ration. After the war, he became a member of the Hungarian Communist Party. In 1947, he became the Com­mander of the Presidential Guards of the Republic with the rank of a Colonel. In 1949, he was appointed to a high position in the Ministry of Defense. During the Revolution, the Party ordered him, as one of its most loyal soldiers, to fight against the stubbornly resisting Kilian barracks. Colonel Maleter, re­alising the true nature of the situation, joined the insurgents. From this mo­ment, he became one of the military leaders of the revolution, and, after the end of hostilities, Minister of Defense. On November 3rd, he opened negotiations with the Soviet Army High Command in Tokol and was arrested by the Soviet state security authorities. His execution was announced on June 16th, 1958. MIKLÓS GIMES. Was a member of the anti-fascist movement during the war and later a soldier in Tito’s partisan Army in Yugoslavia. At the end of the war, he was a contributor to the “Szabad Nep”, the official daily of the Communist Party. But in 1955, he was dismissed, as a result of his demands for a settlement of the Hungarian Yugos­lav relations. He was also expelled from the Party. During the Revolution, a new apolitical organization for work­ing youth. In Budapest the first task of the MEFESZ committees was to seek contacts with the newly formed wor­kers’ councils in the factories which were largely led by young workers. A After the 4th of November, the lea­ders of the MEFESZ continued to con­gregate in hiding until November 22nd 1956 when the majority was arrested. A few MEFESZ leaders succeeded in fleeing to Austria even after this raid. But those who remained at home did not relinquish resistance. They mana­ged to bring together a meeting on November 29th with the representatives of every College and Universities of Budapest attending. The meeting sum­he attempted to bring the “Szabad Nep” over to the side of the people, and launched a new daily called the “Magyar Szabadság”; after November 4th, he formed the Hungarian Democratic In­dependence Movement for which Kadar stamped him as a “counter-revolutio­nary”. He was arrested on December 5th, tried and executed as announced by the Ministry of Justice on June 17th, 1958. JÓZSEF SZILAGYI. Was a member of the illegal Communist movement, he was imprisoned on several different occasions because of this. He became a legendary figure through his intrepid and fearless attitude while in prison. After the war, he was Chief of Adminis­tration of the Party Headquarters as a police colonel. He was soon relieved of this position as a result of his deter­mined outspokenness. So, he worked as a clerk and was expelled from the Party in 1955. During the Revolution he directed the Secretariat of Imre Nagy. According to the June 17th announce­ment of the Ministry of Justice, he was sentenced to death and executed. These are the men who were con­demned as the leaders of a supposedly fascist counter-revolution. All of them, without exception, held high positions in the Communist system. Is it still possible to imagine that the Hungarian prisons are “full of Fascists” ? Or should we believe that the execution of Hungarians, that is Soviet justice, is kinder to “fascists” than to Communists who are true to the people? significant part of the “University Bat­talion” formed spontaneously during the fighting, consisted of young workers. In view of the fact that the workers were guided by the spontaneously formed and freely elected workers' councils, it was generally decided that the new or­ganization of workers youth would be created in more settled times. marized the actual demands of the student community in 8 points: 1. We students remain loyal to our program of October 23rd and state that there is nothing “counter-revolutionary” in this stand. 2. We want an independent, demo­cratic and socialist Hungary. We con­demn every left or right wing attempt to recreate any previous system. 3. We reiterate the demand of the democratic, national revolution for the withdrawal of all Russian troops from Hungary. 4. The University Youth will participate in the reconstruction of the country. 5. We demand that the new police be recruited from the workers and youth, also from the soldiers of the previous army and police (not political police). 6. A new economic program must im­mediately be planned. 7. University reforms and self govern­ment must be replaced and implemented. We demand the release of arrested students. 8. The MEFESZ must be allowed to organize freely and publish its own paper. The MEFESZ leaders called a new meeting for January 5th to discuss the carrying on of the program. Again, the representatives of every university and college in Budapest were present. Those congregated repeated their demands for recognition of all the de­mands in general of the Revolution. Afterwards, however, most of the par­ticipants were arrested by Soviet troops and the newly formed “State Security Authorities”. Thus, the activity of the MEFESZ de facto came to an end. Nevertheless, until today there has been no official announcement of a govern­ment decision to dissolve the MEFESZ organization. As the MEFESZ had not proclaimed its own dissolution it can still be considered as the only legal representative association of the Hun­garian student community. The activity of the MEFESZ, however, is completely and unlawfully, prevented and obstructed by the authorities in power. Struggle after the second Soviet intervention 15

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