Fedinec Csilla: A kárpátaljai magyarság történeti kronológiája 1918-1944 - Nostra Tempora 7. (Galánta-Dunaszerdahely, 2002)

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Summary 531 the Hungarian regular military that on started a military operation the pre­vious day. Besides the euphoric feeling of coming back to the Hungarian home, another voice arose. This stemmed from the fact that after the First World War a new, till that time not existing political territory was born that was administered under several official names in the function of the actual sys­tem. If there was idea of Transylvania, the Highlands, there was no regional cohesion in relation with Transcarpathia. Although, the idea of Transcar­­pathianism was surprisingly carried through, to which mainly the Hungarian people were attached (the Ruthenian ideas were oriented on the union of Czechoslovak Ruthenians). They refused to share with the Highlanders (i. e. with the Hungarian people in Slovakia) in anything, although in the rhetoric of the latter ones, the common talks about the Highlands comprised the way of thinking about the Hungarians living in Transcarpathia, but they also comp­rised dissonant, disparaging behaviour. The Transcarpathian Hungarians pur­sued an independent party policy, received financial support from Hungary, they wanted to have their own social associations and political organisa­tions, theatrical district, football league, etc. and there own religion districts (in 1922 the Calvinist Religious Community of Transcarpathia, in 1930 the Roman-Catholic Pontifical Administration of Transcarpathia of were establi­shed; in 1937, when according to the agreement between the Czechoslovak government and the Vatican, the Mukacheve and the Prešov religious com­munities exempted from the legal authority of the Esztergom bishop, the ori­ginally Hungarian-oriented Alexander Sztojka, Greek-Catholic bishop of Mukacheve stated: “The borders of the Czechoslovak Republic for the Ruthe­nian population are now even consecrated and blessed by the Pope."). Although, on the basis of the First Vienna Treaty a virtual territory was crea­ted between the Trianon and the Vienna borders, where the Hungarian peo­ple during the Hungarian period stroke a derogatory note from the side of the “mother-country” because of the differences that were experienced. In the “disannexed” Transcarpathia, the efforts toward autonomy sup­ported also by Hungary were blocked at the territories “returned” to Hungary. The autonomy-plan that was dragged on for a long time is associated with the name of Pál Teleki: from 18th March 1939, when at the Minister’s office he held the first meeting on the issue, to 5th August 1940 when he withdrew the bill that he proposed to the Parliament about the Sub- Carpathian voivode and its local authority. With this act this issue definitely disappeared from the scene. The status of the Transcarpathian Governorship with the seat in Uzhhorod that defined the difference from the county system of the territories inhabited by Ruthenians could not be compared with real autonomy. Transcarpathia became a hardly manageable issue for the Hungarian government. The evident decline of the living standard - compared with the liberal Czechoslovak democracy, the Horthy system held freedom of opinion on a short leash - resulted in dissatisfaction in the circles of the local popu­lation. In June 1939, Béla Novákovits, head of military administration war-

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