Fedinec Csilla: A kárpátaljai magyarság történeti kronológiája 1918-1944 - Nostra Tempora 7. (Galánta-Dunaszerdahely, 2002)
Mutatók
532 Summary ned his superiors: „The population’s favourable mood arisen from the Hungarian state’s idea is beginning to be restless”. Stepan Fentsik, Parliamentary representative leading the “fascist" organisation, who remained loyal to the Hungarian government to the end, in his confidential letter sent to the Prime Minister’s Office in August 1939, reported about substantial worsening of the populations’ mood. In the reasons he involved that the excesses of military commanders caused estrangements, because “a lot of honest Hungarian-Russian people became subjects to unfounded accusations and intrigues”, in all offices “the majority of clerks were from the mother country” and the practice of "Orthodox religion” met difficulties. Other Hungarian and non-Hungarian public agents reported similarly. It was also humiliating that the Hungarian politicians, who during the Czechoslovak period were in leading positions, got no serious positions or they found themselves in a schizophrenic state with the fact that they did not consider the Ruthenian autonomy serious (see also the experience with the Teleki-experiment). New people were put to positions, even such, who were first seen in the support of military actions of 1938-39. The institutions “won in the twenty-year fight” were wounded up and/or were merged with similar Hungarian institutions, although the “Sub-Carpathian people” did not want to give up their sovereignty in the bonds of the "motherland” created towards the “Slovak people” that did not fit to the integral picture of Hungary. In my opinion “the Sub-Carpathian Hungarian” idea was close in its own field to what the “Transylvanian Hungarian” idea meant with the difference that in the case of the latter one there was no opposition felt towards the majority non- Hungarian population, the unity of original habitants was present. One of the tragic political personalities of the period, the Ruthenian, Andrej Brody, who during the so-called Czechoslovak period and during his short functioning as Prime Minister pursued Hungary-oriented policy, because he thought this direction was the most adequate from the point of view of the nation and state for the sake of protecting Ruthenian demands. Although, after 1939 he realised that he had chosen a worse solution and opposed to - in fact unsuccessfully, because he could not achieve anything - official Hungarian politics. In the Soviet regime, he was accused of traitorous behaviour (as Avhustin Voloshyn - who represented the Ukrainian stream - died in a Soviet prison) and executed. The different identity checking committees and the issue of Jews meant serious problems. The fate of Jews in Transcarpathia was especially tragic. Part of them was transported to inner Ukrainian territories occupied by Germans; another part of them was deported to Germany. The majority of people considering themselves Hungarians became the victims of the war. Their true story has not been written yet. These events culminated between April and October 1944, when Transcarpathia became an operational area again. After serious fights the Soviet army entered the territory of Transcarpathia, with which a new history began. Hungary had no influence on the region’s further fate.
