Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 105. kötet (2008)

Tanulmányok - Varga László: A stilizált eső hanglejtés az újabb kutatások tükrében (Stylised falling intonation in the light ofrecent research) 104

A stilizált eső hanglejtés az újabb kutatások tükrében In this paper I deal with the stylised fall (SF), also known as the vocative chant or calling contour, in Hungarian and English, with occasional remarks on the SF of other European languages. § 1 reviews the functions and uses of this contour. These have three main features: routine (cf. Ladd 1980, 1996), quasiimperativeness, and distance (including metaphorical distance and lack of eye contact). The last feature is often only indirectly present and not obligatory in English, but in Hungarian it seems to be obligatory and can only be dispensed with in the boasting utterances of small children. §2 concentrates on the formal properties of the contour in three types of prosodic environments. §2.1 examines the forms of the SF in utterances with one accented syllable and no postaccentual stresses, and claims that in this environment the second terrace of the SF is on the last syllable. In this environment the Hungarian SF is realised very similarly to the SF in English, German, Dutch, Italian, but Ladd's (1996) opinion that the Hungarian and French versions of the SF belong to the same formal type is refuted. This section offers a preliminary report on the existence of the SF in Finnish and Russian, too. §2.2 studies cases where the utterance has one accented syllable, which is followed by syllables of which one or more are stressed. The Hungarian SF is insensitive to the postaccentual stresses, and the second terrace of the SF continues to appear on the last syllable. §2.3 focuses on utterances with several accented syllables. The most striking feature of Hungarian is that the SF can re-occur on each accented syllable. §3 is devoted to the phonological analysis and representation of the Hungarian SF. §3.1 shows a widely-known autosegmental phonological analysis of the English SF (H* H-L%), which has evolved gradually in the works of Pierrehumbert (1987), Ladd (1996), Grice, Ladd and Arvaniti (2000), etc. Then 3.2 claims that the H tone at the beginning of the downstepped terrace in Hungarian is a phrase tone. In §3.3 it is shown that the final boundary tone at the end of the Hungarian SF can be neither L% nor H%, so it must be 0%. Finally, §3.4 concentrates on utterance-internal Hungarian SFs and concludes that these can be analysed either as separate intonational phrases (each ending in the 0%) or as intermediate phrases (in the sense of Beckman and Pierrehumbert 1986). 0. Bevezetés Ebben az intonációs tanulmányban az ún. stilizált eső hanglejtés (SE) kérdéskörével foglalkozom, elsősorban a magyarban, másodsorban az angolban, harmadsorban más európai nyelvekben, és igyekszem az SE általánosítható Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 105. 104-133.