Külpolitika - A Magyar Külügyi Intézet elméleti-politikai folyóirata - 1978 (5. évfolyam)

1978 / 3. szám - KÖNYVEKRŐL - Biondi, Jean-Pierre: A harmadik szocializmus. Esszé a szocializmusról és a "harmadik világról"

Ottó Sütő:

Détente in Europe: Helsinki —Belgrade — Madrid

International detente became an objective option and necessity around the middle fifties. This, however, was not recognised for some time by the governments of the developed capitalist countries, and they did not take the appropriate decisions. Following the initiative taken by the socialist countries detente thus only became mutually acceptable in the seventies. Countries with differing social systems, however, in their detente policies, act in pursuit not only of certain common interests, but also of divergent aims.

Ottó Sütő examines factors favouring détente, such as the policy of peace which springs from the very essence of socialism, the shift in the balance of power in favour of the forces of progress, the avoidance of a world war, the need of tackling political problems in negotiations, and the growing internationalization of economic activity. Another group of factors creates problems for detente: the irreconcilable conflict between the socialist and the capitalist system, differing interests of states and groups of states that do not derive from the nature of their social systems, the anti-détente line taken by certain countries and political forces, the instability of the system of international relations etc. The difficulties can only be eliminated through regularized and disciplined inter-state relations, and the joint effort of all sides.

In capitalist countries détente is not looked on as the fruit of the laws of development of international relations, but as a more or less permanent state of necessity. The substance and objectives of détente are interpreted in a severely limited sense. The article compares the earlier stage of détente, which closed with the Helsinki Conference, with a new stage that hás been getting off the ground since the middle seventies. The principle world economic and political developments are surveyed, as a result of which détente turned more ambivalent. The period since the Helsinki Conference, and the Belgrade Meeting have shown that points of view which imply interference in the internal affairs of other countries cannot be made effective. The article concludes by discussing the tasks with which the next meeting, at Madrid, will have to cope, and the difficulties with which it will be confronted.

Ferenc Várnai:

The direction of Chinese foreign policy

Following the death of Mao Tse Tung, and the removal from their positions of power of The Four, the Chinese leaders have followed a more realist economic and cultural line than that of the Cultural Revolution, but they have not drawn

the consequences of the bankruptcy of Mao is policy as a whole. The starting point of a study of their line should not be the proclaimed objectives, or even the methods used, but lasting processes, real aims, and deeds. These show that the Chinese People’s Republic is engaged on a campaign more extreme than heretofore against the Soviet Union which is declared to be the „principal enemy”. The new Chinese Constitution, adopted in March, declared the creation of a world wide anti-Soviet fighting alliance to be the country’s basic foreign policy objective.

Várnai surveys the Chinese foreign policy statements and diplomatic actions of the past year or eighteen months in detail proving that Peking is increasing efforts designed to lead to a disintegration of present relations between the Soviet Union and the friendly socialist countries allied with it, already openly acting against Vietnam, establishing close links indeed with the most reactionary and anti-detente circles of capitalist countries. China is improving economic as well as military relations with the imperialist countries, the EEC, NATO, and the military complex in the U. S. guided by its anti-Soviet endeavours striving for hegemony.

Peking has started a new offensive as well to win over the countries of the Third World. In crisis situations the Chinese support the most reactionary groups in developing countries which are.allied with the imperialists. Chinese policy clashes head on with the vital interests of the nations, and endangers world peace.

Nationalist tendencies towards world domination in Maoist policy are strengthened and fed by domestic problems. The chasm between the interests of the Chinese masses longing for security and a democratic life, and Maoist policy which means the tightening of belts and the absence of rights, is deepening apace. The country’s historical tasks can only be accomplished if China once again returns to the highway of socialism and internationalism.

András Hernádi:

A new stage of development of Japanese economy

For a long time Japan stood out with an average annual 10 per cent growth rate, the 1970s, however, opened a new stage. The growth has slowed down, and characteristic structural changes have accompanied this process. Not only the essential changes that occurred in the world economy, but internal economic reasons, and aspects of foreign trade as well, were responsible.

A relative labour shortage, and growing fixed capital needs while the investment rate declined, as well as the narrowing technological gap, thanks to developments at home, and the growing role of state action, and the structural changes this led to, were all amongst the domestic econoVI