Gecse Annabella: Az etnikai és társadalmi átrendeződés folyamata egy gömöri falu 20. századi életében - Interethnica 10. (Komárom-Somorja, 2007)
Irodalom
2. Methods, sources During the writing my treatise on the one hand I relied on the literature, and on the other hand on my own research. The nature of the literature is different according to the three main parts of my work, but the mutual character of the three different types is that I couldn’t find concrete datas - apart from one or two exceptions - on the settlement I analysed. So the disposable sources were used as parallels to my researches, as additions or methodological examples, precedents. I needed the results of other (beside ethnography) sciences in several times. In few cases historical, social geographical, statistical, sociological approaches drew me near the dealing with particular problems. Beside the published written sources (literature, censuses) I tried to apply other written sources and church registers as additions. However most of the datas are from the results of my own researches. I could rely on my results during the writing of my treatise at every section. In the case of the first two major sections - regarding they deal with the first half of the 20th century - older informants, listed in the introduction, helped me. So far the information having from them can be seen as only sources in several themes (establishing the farmers’ agricultural co-operative, relocation, reslovakization) on the analysed settlement. Similarly I got information (unavailable in other way) dealing with persons who moved away from Baraca, because official records on them are not at disposal (neither cumulatively nor namely). During my researches - with the help of my informants - I counted them together with their family members. Beside the synoptic charts made from the draft I also represent on map the present day „virtual” Baraca (the maps were edited by István Balcsók). I enlarged the methodological armoury during the writing the next section. Beside interviewing the expediently chosen informants I tried to give representative sample of the forming notions of each other of the two ethnic groups with the tools of sampling known from sociology. The characterization of the ethnic and generational composition in the settlement based on the whole census of the household. This also meant the base of the composition of multi-generational gipsy families who do not live in the same household, and it was used to „confirm” the characteristic child-number, which variable generation by generation. The use of estimable but random datas, information was enabled (chiefly to model the differences and border between the two ethnic groups living next to each other) by my researcher position, the observing attendance which can not be referred to the attendant observant. 3. The thesis-like specification of the results In the first section of my treatise I show the character of the village society, the everyday life of the community, and to a lesser extent their feasts. The first longer part treats the features of the village society until 1940s. This part is divided into further units which is well-known in the Hungarian ethnography, according to the structure of the questionnaire made for the research of the popular life of Abaúj by László Szabó. It emerges from the self- characterization and the analysis of outside connections that making of connection with neighbouring mainly Calvinist villages was strongly limited by the catholic faith of Baraca. Even if not the neighbouring settlements formed its marrying area, Baraca had some connections with most of that villages, it could make possible to characterize itself compared with others (too): firstly with religiousness and diligence. Among its Calvinist neighbours with its vicarage and church had relatively high importance. In contrast to the most of the lower noble settlements in the historical county Gömör the legal status of the lower nobles in Baraca got on well with their Roman Catholic religion. In connection 187
