Levéltári Közlemények, 43. (1972)

Levéltári Közlemények, 43. (1972) 2. - FORRÁSKÖZLÉS - Kanyar József: Brit diplomáciai iratok a magyarországi földreformok történetéhez, 1920–1945 / 403–417. o.

414 Kanyar József reform, I propose to discuss in this despatch the various aspects of this vitally important measure, which will shake the political economic and social structures of Hungary to their foundations, 2. Firstly, it will be recalled that no substantial measure of this kind has ever been introduced in Hungary before. In 1848 Louis Kossuth, that most famous of all Hungarian heroes, no doubt wished, in his struggle for liberty, eventually to secure land for the "have-nots". But despite the fact that he obtained satisfaction in regard to certain much-needed social reforms, nothing was effectively done to secure a redistribution of the land. In 1918, an again 1936, and 1938 some efforts were made to introduce land reform, but these did not go any further than paper-plans, although they did provide for a substantial amount of discussion in Parliament, which only served to whet the appetites of the landloss classes. It should be remembered in this connection that the industrialisation of Hungary was mainly effected after 1918, and that the industries thus created did absorb a certain number of the poorer classes. But the cry for land reform prevailed throughout the period between the two wars, and it has now reached a crescendo pitch. 3. Quite naturally, that class consisting of the unemployed and the causal labourers, commonly known as the "3 million starving beggars", have seen their chance to attain satisfaction now that the government of this country is in the hands, for the moment, of representatives of the "Left", and is itself backed by the powerful Soviet Union, within whose sphere of influence Hungary now lies. Quite naturally also, the Provisional Hungarian Government find themselves obliged speedily to give satisfaction to the five political parties, which are all "Left-ist" in complexion, and which • feel that now or never is the time to attain to their supreme desire. Never they consider would there be such a good chance again — the magnates or large landowners have fled from liberated Hungary and are said to be huddled together in the Sopron area of Western Hungary; the peasants and the "have — nots" are, according to what the Prime Minister told me, getting out of hand and seizing the land for themselves without legal authority. 4. On the other hand, Hungary at this moment lacks the necessary implements for the tilling and sowing of the soil. Most of the farm implements, which may have been left by the German "locusts", are similar to those used by our grandfathers. There is but little seed available and although the present time is the moment for the most energetic agricultural activity, little will be able to be done by the new proprietors to produce the much needed crops. Both the Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Prime Minister have admitted to me that the agricultural yield for 1945 is bound to be reduced owing to the putting into force of this reform. The secretary to the Minister for Foreign Affairs admitted to me yesterday that it would result in a reduction of 30 per cent of Hungary's total capacity yield, and I should imagine that this is a very conservative estimate. щ 5. Passing from the practical issues involved by the implementation of land reform at the present stage, we come to constitutional considerations. As I had the honour to report in my despatch No 3 of the 7-th March, the National Committees replaced the various legislative bodies of the Hungarian counties and townships at the time of great chaos which ensued during the period between the departure of the German armies and the arrival iri this country of the Russian forces. The National Committees themselves were not merely contitutional bodies, they were not composed, in whole, of the members of the former legislative councils. It was the National Committees, however, which elected the present members of the Provisional National Assembly which nominated the members of the present Provisional Hungarian Government, which ipso facto is, therefore, not a constitutional body. It is a small collection of men who have been selected by a "Left-ist" and unconstitutional Assembly to carry on the government of liberated Hungary during on of the most terrible periods in her history. 6. But the Provisional Government have not (as I have reported in my telegram No. 40. of the 20-th March) even thought it necessary to apply to the Bill for Land Reform that measure of constitutionalism which is possible in the present abnormal circumstances. Availing themselves of the "free hand" which they were, admittedly, granted by the Assembly to bring into force, by executive decree, such measures as did not savour of the great importance and furthermore, taking advantage of the instructions issued to them by the said Assembly in December last to "bring out" — (I am using the Minister for Foreign Affairs's own words) — "Land Reform", they have thought fit to introduce this measure without even having recourse to such constitutional routine as was available to them. I asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs yesterday whether he did not have a twinge of conscience, I wondered, I said, what opinion in Hungary would think, in the future of these hasty tactics. Would it not be inclined to criticise the bringing into force of this reform in such an unconstitutional manner, and at such an awkward moment. Dr. Gyöngyösi, who had replied in a parrot-like manner to my previous questions concerning the implementation of the measure — (my telegram No. 40. of the 24-th March) — merely shrugged his shoulders. It would seem that the