Levéltári Közlemények, 43. (1972)

Levéltári Közlemények, 43. (1972) 2. - FORRÁSKÖZLÉS - Kanyar József: Brit diplomáciai iratok a magyarországi földreformok történetéhez, 1920–1945 / 403–417. o.

Brit diplomáciai iratok a magyarországi földreformok történetéhez 1920—1945 415 Hungarian Government are adopting an attitude of "après moi le déluge"; they are, of course, obliged at this juncture to take the short view. With strong pressure from the Left, and with the Russians looming large in the background, their policy must be an opportunist one. 11. To sum up, I would invite yuor attention to the fact, that this drastic reform has been brought about in a semi- (to say the least of it) unconstitutional manner; that its results, though as yet unknown, may well prove to be unfortunate as regards Hungary's potential yield for the payment of reparations, and finally, that I entertain strong suspicions that the Russia^ Bear — the conqueror of Hungary — is mainly responsible for the hurried manner in which the measure has been brought into force. 12. The text, in English translation, of the Hungarian decree providing for land reform is being forwarded to you as soon as possible. 13. I am forwarding copies of this despatch to Moscow, Caserta, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia. I have, & с A. Gascoigne. PRO FO R 5254/26/21. 2. sz. ( 7. London, 1945. április 4. Részletek a Brit Külügyminisztérium Kutatócsoportjának a magyarországi földreformot tárgyaló tanulmányából 1. On 15th March the Hungarian Cabinet approved the draft Land Reform Bill submitted to it by the Minister of Agriculture. The Bill was to have come before the Provisional National Assembly whwn it met in April, but on 18th March the Bill was suddendly brought into force by an executive decree of the Government. 2. Drastic land reform has long been considered by the Left in Hungary (and by many outside observes) to be the most pressing need of the country, for social and political reasons rather than economic. For the same reasons it has been resisted most stubbornly by generation after generation of landowners, and by one Government after another. As soon as the Debrecen National Assembly met, and as soon as the Government was appointed (late December, 1944), the demand for reform was voiced and the promise was given that it should be enacted. There was clearly much impatience. Within a short time the National Peasant Party) a party of recent growth, representing chiefly the dwarf-holders and landless agricultural labourers (published its proposals, and the Communist Party immediately endorsed them, with some small modifications. The other two main parties in the "National independence Front" (Smallholders and Social Democrats) did not publish their views, but the former had almost certainly been previously consulted by the National Peasants, whose draft contained provisions safeguarding the posotion of the Smallholders' special electorate, while the latter could rest content, since it had for some years supported the general principles embodied in the draft. 3. All the political parties seem to have collaborated in the further drafting of the Bill, and it was understood that the measure could be passed through Parliament in the spring. Spokesmen promised that the distribution of the land should be completed by October, 1945. Meanwhile, village committee were formed in each commune to survey the field and stake out claims. 4. The abrupt and, strictly speaking, unconstitutional action of the Government in promulgating this important act without Parliamentary sanction was probably due to a variety of causes. There was clearly much impatience and pressure of opinion. In some communes it seems likely that claimants had begun to seize their land without awaiting sanction. But where this did not happen, the delay was proving very dangerous in view of the serious supply situation in Hungary. Where the big landowners had fled, their land was being left uncultivated. Peasants refused to till land unless certain that it would belong to them. Further, there was the situation in German-occupied Hungary to consider. Propaganda from that side persistently maintained either that the whole plan was a fraud, which the reactionary Generals at the head of the Debrecen Government never meant to put into force, or alternatively, that Soviets meant that the land should not be distributed, but collectivized. The enactment of the Bill might be expected to contribute strongly to two objects to which the Debrecen Government attached great importance: inducing the peasants of West Hungary to till the land, and persuading the population of that area to support Debrecen and, in the case of peasanti V 4 ' '