Külpolitika - A Magyar Külügyi Intézet elméleti-politikai folyóirata - 1990 (17. évfolyam)
1990 / 2. szám - H. Fekete Attila: A második világháború utáni Albánia
litical legation of the Gottwald—Novotny—Husak regimes. Géza Mezei: Socialism in half a country In the history of genesis and development of the people’s democracies the German Democratic Republic has taken from the beginning on a peculiar place. The determining speciality of her position was defined by the existence of the other German state and by the compulsion to build a Soviet-style socialism in half a country. The German Democratic Republic, similarly to the other German „interim state”, came into beeing in the wake of an occupation system. The immediate prerequisite of her birth was the disintegration of the accord between the occuping forces and Germany’s division under the cold war conditions, but this birth had been influenced in a dominating manner by the Soviet occupation power and by the traditions of German communism. The German republic called democratic has been characterized during her forty years by the invariability of persons and institutions determining her fate unprecedented even in East- Central-Europe. After the miscarried reform-attempts of the 50s the building of the Berlin Wall, ending completely the division of Germany, added competently to the formation of ..GDR-iden- tity and to the strengthening of the semi-state-„bulwark” function. This „fencing in” proved all the more necessary while the GDR seemed through her existence to be state the stability of which hadn’t been based on the wide support of her citizens. The solidity of this (semi) state or rather its immobility was uphold by police measures securing the power monopoly of the German Socialist Unity Party (SED) claiming a historic calling for itself. Beyond this the „schizophenic” national. identity of the GDR was first of all determined by the fact that the (semi) state, out of its status-deficit. depended much more on the Soviet trustee than the other people’s democracies: the Soviet Union’s changing policy on Germany always determined the German Democratic Republic’s — also changing — efforts made on the „all-German” field. Paradoxical as it may sound it’s nevertheless true that as long as the German federal government’s policy line was negative in connection with the „zone”, up to that time the SED could play without any risk the part of the side striving for all-German accord and co-existence. But the new „Eastern policy” raised only difficulties for the GDR and the country was forced more and more into the defensive in the German—German relations. The conception of German (semi) statehood suffered a hardly cureable wound after the „German earthquake” in the autumn of 1989 which buried the government system of the German communists incapable of change and unbalanced from the inside too. Those who today try to look upon the GDR as they look upon the other Eastern- European states beeing in the process of democratization and of emancipation did hardly understand the German developments of the recent months: the German unity is already inevitable today even if the shape of it has to be determined yet. Mihály Fülöp: Romania’s Policy 1944—1989 King Michael carryng out the turn of August 23 in 1944 and the army changing sides were both led by the aim uniting the Romanian nation: the aim to obtain Northern-Transylvania. But Romania had been given up earlier by the British and the Americans and was incorporated into the Soviet security zone; the armistice terms were dictated by Stalin and in the spring of 1945 (deputy foreign minister) Wishinsky forced the left-wing government of Petru Groza onto the king. Between 1945 and 1947 the historic parties which once had formed Great-Romania. Maniu’s National Peasant Party and Bratianu’s III
