Külpolitika - A Magyar Külügyi Intézet elméleti-politikai folyóirata - 1986 (13. évfolyam)
1986 / 3. szám - KÖNYVEKRŐL - Kupper Ágnes: A Kínai Népköztársaság és a fejlett tőkés országok
“New policy”ot political traditions? The development of party policy systems in Western Europe today The author is examining the question: to what extent those analyses can be justified that had been written on the transformation or on the fragmentation of the West European party policy systems of the 1970s and 1980s. Does the appearance of environmental protection movements, peace, anti-nuclear or women’s movements or that of consumer-interest protection groups signify new dimensions in social polarization; does the appearance of “new questions” signify the emergence of a “new policy” which is transforming-modifying the traditional political systems ? Whether the concentration of the parties and the decrease of the alternatives brought along a decrease of neo-corporative tendencies, that in turn resulted in a decrease of the role played by the traditional parties in the process of mediating between the interest of the citizens and the governments. The author surveys the development in the party policies of three West European countries, that of the GFR, Great Britain and France. In the GFR, the main question is whether with the Greens getting into the Bundestag in 1983, there emerged a genuine four-party structure. In this context, the author points to the fact that the left-right division of the ideological dimensions of the West German party policy system fails to give an answer to several phemomena, including the phenomenon of the grand coalition. Consequently, corporative tendencies must be taken into consideration in the case of either of the parties, or more exactly the fact that “joint interests” for the stability of the system are getting institutionalized (mass trade union organizations, BGD, konzertierte Action, Mitbestimmung, etc.). Despite the appearance of the Greens, the traditional social clearage continues to remain unchanged. Since, in spite of their innovation effect on the traditional parties, the Greens are unable to become the “tip of the balance” as a kind of “Green FDP”, and they are rather transitional than lasting phenomenon in a West German party system that, in essence, reproduces itself as a three-party system. In the case of Great Britain, the major question is if it can still be considered as the home of the classical two-party system. Following “the consensus policy” of the 1950s and 1960s, by the Tory and the Labour parties, the 1970s witnessed considerable polarization within the two traditional parties, which, in turn resulted in such a vacuum situation that created favourable conditions for a third poliLászló J. Kiss tical force, the Liberal-Social Democrat party alliance to gain scope. In a pecualiar way however, and in many reagards as a consequence of a majority election system, there did not emerge a new three-party structure in spite of the loss of position by the traditional workers’ party and conservative forces. At the same time, the weakening of the traditional class-party correlations cannot be overestimated either. Nevertheless, a further forge ahead by SDP/LP might lead to qualitative changes. Consequently, Britain cannot be any more considered as the home of a perfect two-party system. As regards France, the question is whether the development of the party policy system can be described within a bi-polar structure rallying the right-and the left-wing. The party policy system in France underwent four stages of development: in the early 1960s, the exter- mist right-wing disappeared, later, the anti- Gaullist center parties disappeared, then came a new balance-of the right and left-wing blocks and, in the end, the break-up of the left-wing block preceeding the March 1986 parliamentary elections (the French Communist Party quit the coalition), and the appearance of the National Front and a cohabitation that equalled a silent constitutional crisis. In this context, the author points out that the “Godesberg turn” by SPF had been a repetition of the developments consensus-policy represented in Great Britan and grand coalition in the GFR. In the end, the author arrives at the conclusion that the quantitative changes in the West European countries (i. e. the growth of neo-corporative tendencies, the ecologist parties, representing “new policies”, the wea- king of the party-movement symbiosis, de- confessionalization, the decrease of the number of hard-core voters, etc.) did not result in a qualitative change in the existing party policy system. The dealignement of the positions of the traditional big parties failed to lead to the realignement of a qualitatively new party policy structure, nor did it result in the weakening of the polarization force of the class conflict between the Left and the Right that is considered to be traditional. The traditional big parties can adjust to the new, changed conditions and can secure their ruling positions. Gé%a Mezei Decision-making in international relations The article gives a comprehensive survey, analysis and also criticism of various types of VII
