Külpolitika - A Magyar Külügyi Intézet elméleti-politikai folyóirata - 1986 (13. évfolyam)
1986 / 3. szám - KÖNYVEKRŐL - Kupper Ágnes: A Kínai Népköztársaság és a fejlett tőkés országok
theories of bourgeois political science on decision-making processes in international relations. The author describes different trends and patterns applied in political system analyses, psychological explanations or in presenting rational optimal models. The different approaches mentioned here are all underlining some specific features of the complex process of international decision-making, but in the meantime, they neglect some other factors. However while all the approaches mentioned here do contain some permament and valuable elements, their making absolute can only result in a one-sided approach. Theories fail to give orientation to actual political decisionmaking itself, only to their analysis. Foreign policy-decisions are correct if they adjust to the circumstances and if they are taken after a survey of the entire system of interrelations. This however, can only be achieved with the help of an examination of the practice of the foreign political conduct. Ferenc Rácz Italy’s foreign policy in the mid-1980s The fact that there has been a change in Italy’s international political role could be seen as early as at the end of the 1970-s ^nd in the early 1980s. The country, scorned earlier by some critical analyses for not even having an individual foreign policy line, joined the international political life with an increaing activity, as much as its possibilities and limitations allowed. Then, by the mid-1980s, Italy’s undertaking in the international political life, that could be already clearly seen as early as at the beginning of this decade, had been given a new emphasis. The present study aims to demonstrate the fact that the changes in the orchestration of the Italian foreign policy in the few years justify us to state that Italy’s policy is reflecting a horizontal activization in an increasing field of territories as well as a vertical undertaking of roles in individual cases. In this context, we feel, an analysis of the Italian internal political field is called for, at least in its outlines, since the developments in the home political scene, greatly ^ntrinuted to an expansionof the foreign policy scope and to its filling with substance. For the present Italian government, headed by Craxi, the increase of the values of foreign political factors, in general, served as a basis for pushing the straining contradictions of internal political relations into the background. At the same time, the foreign political acitvity had been supported by the latest developments that have taken place in the internal balance of forces and in the country’s economy, creating a more solid basis for the country’s foreign policy activities. At the same time, it can also be seen that in close relation with the increasing foreign political activity and with an internal political scene, reflecting stability, the conduct and judgement of the subjects, intepreters and observers of the international political life, also underwent a change in connection with Italy. Győző Lugosi “Crisis-arc” or “peace-region”: two decades of security in the Indian-Ocean area Up to the present day, the major problems to hinder the region of the Indian Ocean to become a peace zone instead of a “crisis zone”, have been as follows: The idea of creating a peace zone in the Indian Ocean region and the adoption of the notable No. 2832 resolution by the UN General Assembly happened at a time when the region, due to a coincidence of several factors, became a region of tensions. The initiative by the coastline states had been based on the assumption that a unilateral declaration of regional interests can serve as a retaining force. The peace zone plan had serious internal contradictions, first of ail, since it had not been based on any uniform platform adopted by the major coastline states; understandably enough, since the coastline states do not only group India, Sri Lanka, Tanzania, Madagascar or South Yemen, but also Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Australia and even also the South Afl- rican Republic. Furthermore, the Genera- Assembly resolution turned out to be ambiguous in cardinal questions, such as a proper geo-political definition of the Indian Ocean region, the nature and the conditions of the creation of a “collective security system” as an alternative to great power present, the contradictions between the universally valid international rights for free maritime navigation and thq regional restrictions originating from the interpreatation of the provision as well as the priorities that should be effective in the process of demilitarization. Up to the present day, the prospects of an agreement had been rendered difficult and had been hindered by such grave regional conflicts as the Iran-Iraq war or the acute crisis of the South African apartheid. VIII
