The Hungarian Student, 1961

THE COLONIES IN EUROPE

We were always compelled to leave our country and we, Hungarian students, were quite inclined to believe, understandably, that our problems were the gravest in the world. Since then, we have discovered that many nations in the world are struggling with similar problems, and we also know that these problems can be solved only by mutual cooperation.

After recognising this, we realised, to our astonishment, that other nations are less inclined than we are to regard their problems as similar to ours. The world has adopted the notion that there is a “colonial question" only outside Europe. It is true that the great colonial empires were formed outside Europe, that is, in Asia, Africa and some large island groups, due to the discrepancy between Europe and other regions in the technical, economic and governmental fields. In the history of colonialism. European powers are only seen as colonizers.

Only a few have realised that there exists a whole series of small countries in Central and Eastern Europe who live in modest, economic conditions with a limited economic potential, most of them without a sea coast. These small countries could never have thought of

(Continued from page 12) cording to the Foreign Report (London, January 17, 1957) the agreement covers a period of 50 years, during which the Soviet Union is given exclusive rights to exploit Hungarian uranium deposits. The secrecy surrounding the agreement provokes the Hungarian public to discuss the problem continuously. Hungarians regard the agreement as written proof of Hungary’s colonial oppression, the trampling of the nation’s independence and sovereignty.

In 1957 it was disclosed that uranium deliveries were sent only to the Soviet Union, since this was the only realistic way for the profitable exploitation of Hungarian uranium. According to these explanations, uranium processing plants operate only in the United States, Canada and the Soviet Union. “As the Soviet Union is the closest of the three geographically—and to the nation's heart—we must go on this road according to our best knowledge and real interest even if the anger of our internal and external enemies is aroused by such a step. The Belgian Congo chose Canada and this decision was never criticized by the West.” (Nepszabadsag, March 17, 1957).

colonising as they were ceaselessly fighting against the great powers and, unfortunately, even against each other and also, because they, themselves, were frequently the victims of colonisation within Europe itself.

After the second World War the Hungarians, Poles, Czechs, Slovaks and the Bulgarians lost their national independence and fell under the colonial yoke. There is, perhaps, no need to prove this, as sufficient evidence was brought to the public attention through the Hungarian Revolution. We would like, nevertheless, to summarize the evidence as follows:

a) Apart from Yugoslavia (Serbs and Croats) each country is under Soviet military occupation.

b) The overall economic activity, not only foreign trade, of these countries, is guided by the “Council of Mutual Economic Aid”, which determines the year to year production plan of each country. These plans are meant to promote the economic projects of the Soviet Union, regardless of the interest and potential of each country.

c) The domestic policy of these countries is based on the one party system and determined by the party, in other words by the government established in power and supported by the Soviet Union. Very often the leading statesmen are Soviet citizens. In emergency situations, the Soviet security organizations take hold of the reins in directing domestic policy. (As an example we would point out that after the revolution in Hungary it was the Soviet state security authorities who carried out the first arrests of Pal Maleter, and also of several members of the Nagy government, who had sought refuge in the Yugoslav Embassy. They were later taken by Soviet cars to an unknown destination). In this respect, Poland is the exception, as the Polish Government resists this type of interference, more or less successfully.

d) Many instances prove that the governments in these countries can make decisions in foreign policy only with the approval or under the direction of the Soviet Union. (M. Nagy was the first Prime Minister to attempt to make independent decisions in foreign policy: Imre Nagy paid with his life for this).

e) All these countries belong to the military block known as “the Warsaw Pact”. Armed intervention of the Soviet Army is the reply to any endeavours to

obtain independence and neutrality in these countries, as in the case of Hungary.

These points are perhaps sufficient evidence to show that the phenomena in these countries are the criteria of colonisation: military occupation, domestic terror and a complete dependence in economic affairs and foreign policy.

In view of this, we find it odd that the Hungarian question is generally considered an unsolvable problem of foreign world politics. For we think that the Hungarian question, together with that of the other Central European nations is quite simply and clearly a colonial question, just one more of those problems which, since the second world war, the Western Powers have solved with more or less goo will and luck by the dozens. Just one more of the problems that our contemporaries struggle to solve around the globe, in fighting for their national independence from the Western Powers who still endeavour to pursue an imperialistic policy.

Our situation is identical to that which existed in the Belgian Congo, which still exists in Angola, Western New Guinea and Algeria. But it is peculiar to discover in the West a strange type of discrimination against us, from precisely those people who take a strong stand against every form of discrimination. These people, who for centuries have lived under colonialism and therefore know it very well, find it difficult to imagine that Hungary has, for the last fifteen years, lived under exactly the same conditions. As a result of this lack of understanding, they do not consider us in the same category as themselves, and because of their attitude, Hungarian refugees, and the Hungarian affair, over all, has a statu quo, a special status in their eyes, even today, five years after the Revolution. Soviet propaganda has successfully spread the belief that the “Hungarian question” can be solved only along with all the other unsolved problems in the world.

We must state, without any possibility of misunderstanding, that Hungary just like its neighbour, Austria, desires to follow the policy of neutrality. This does not mean that Hungary will not voice an opinion in the important international questions. On the contrary, only now can Hungary have, and hold, a truly independent opinion which will be in accordance with our true national interessts.

(„Magyar Szabadság",

Budapest, 1st November 1956.)

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