Fraternity-Testvériség, 1957 (35. évfolyam, 1-12. szám)

1957-02-01 / 2. szám

FRATERNITY

5

terminate Magyar Protestantism when the latter often stood alone with Hapsburg and Jesuit leagued against it, we turn to Hungary’s ill-fated war for independence from Austria in 1848. Having defeated Austria, the Magyar armies were crushed by Russia. Kossuth, the Hungarian leader, spent the remaining forty-six years of his long and brilliant career on foreign soil fighting for Hungarian freedom with the pen, his sword having been broken. Having learned English previously, during three years of solitary confinement in an Austrian prison whose jailor allowed him a copy of Shakespeare, a dictionary and a grammar, Kossuth was given a hero’s welcome in England, America and elsewhere. His reception in this country was the greatest ever given any foreigner with the possible exception of Lafayette. In spite of Kossuth’s eloquence and Hungary’s plight, however, the Magyars received no help from the West “except words” of sympathy and praise. And, at this present crucial juncture in Hungarian, and world, history the West has spoken in behalf of Hungary — and that is all. The last message that went out from Hungary’s free radio in November adds pathos to this circumstance. It was: “People of the world! Listen to our call. Help us — not with advice, not with words, but with action.”

We hasten to add that we do not desire to discount or minimize

the very great importance of the recent moral and written condemnation of Soviet activity in Hungary. We desire only to point up the fact that this is where we have left the matter while the intolerable situation

within the country remains as it was. It is our conviction, therefore, that

we have not yet discharged our responsibility, that we have not done enough, that there is more that we can do and ought to do. Privilege means responsibility. America occupies a unique position of privilege, the details of which need no elaboration here. Such a position in a moral world means a high degree of responsibility in the affairs of nations and before the Lord of nations. The way in which we respond to and discharge our present responsibility bears a direct relation, under

God, to our position among the nations in the future.

The present moment in history, with international Communism having just received a mortal wound, as Vice President Nixon has informed us, is weighted with importance. The wound which Hungary has inflicted on the body of Communism may prove not to be mortal after all. The wish of Mr. Nixon, and of us all, may prove to have been father to the thought. It is important, therefore, that in this juncture of history we speak and act as we are morally obligated to do.

Our international policy, however, has been motivated primarily by considerations of self-interest. The Soviet Union rapes Hungary and we only speak against it, but if Russia were to attack England or a country in this hemisphere, we would go to war. The freedom of these areas and of the Near East, we now say, is essential to our own interests. The bully beats up the boy down the street and we talk about it. Only when he throws his weight around in our block are we stirred to decisive action and not until then.

President Eisenhower has said that “the world problems of our generation, although most apparent in their economic or political expression, are fundamentally moral and spiritual.” They are, indeed! What is it