Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 101. kötet (2004)
Tanulmányok - Siptár Péter – Szentgyörgyi Szilárd: A magyar H-féle hangok optimális elemzése [An optimality theoretic account of Hungarian H-type segments] 57
SIPTÁR PÉTER - SZENTGYÖRGYI SZILÁRD A magyar Я-féle hangok optimális elemzése This paper discusses the possible analyses of the behaviour of [h], [fi], [x] and [X] in Hungarian. In a rule-based, derivational framework, [li] and [x] are clearly derived from [h] and [x], respectively, and therefore the main issue is how to account for the distribution of [h] vs. [x]. Two types of analyses are possible: one that assumes two separate underlying segments, /h/ and /х/, and thus misses the generalisation that the two segments are in complementary distribution. The second kind of approach claims that [hj and [x] come from the same underlying segment; this type of analysis can be further divided into two subtypes depending on whether the common underlyer is claimed to be /IV or/х/. Besides, the behaviour of these segments in voice assimilation is also discussed: they trigger but do not undergo that process. Siplár and Törkenczy (2000) suggest that by assuming a filter that disallows surface voiced dorsal fricatives, the desired result is obtained. While such a filter is an ad hoc device in rule-based theories, it is an organic part of a solution in Optimality Theory which argues that both /h/ and Ы (as well as /fi/ and /x7, for that matter) may occur in die input and the constraint hierarchy must be such that they should always select well-formed output candidates as optimal regardless of the input. As a result of Lexicon Optimisation, non-alternating forms will have /h/ or /х/ (or /fi/ or /x7) in their underlying representation depending on (i.e.. identical with) the output forms while alternating forms may have underlying /IV or /х/ (or /fiV or Ш) as selected by an alternation sensitive version of Lexicon Optimisation. Finally, the treatment of the behaviour of these segments in voice assimilation is quite simple in Optimality Theory if we assume a constraint prohibiting voiced dorsal fricatives that, interacting with the ones suggested by Petrova et al. (2001) to account for voice assimilation in general, is able to select the actual surface form as optimal in all cases. 1. Bevezetés Ebben a dolgozatban a magyar Я-típusú szegmentumok, a [h], a [fi], a [xj és a [x] viselkedését fogjuk leírni kétféle elméleti keretben: először kiválasztjuk a legmegfelelőbb elemzést, amelyhez a szokásos szabály-alapú, levezetéses keretben el lehet jutni, majd ezzel szembeállítunk egy lehetséges optimalitáselméleti megoldást.1 A jelen tanulmány alapjául szolgáló kutatást részben az OTKA D 042210 sz. támogatása tette lehetővé. Köszönetünket fejezzük ki Rebrus Péternek, Törkenczy Miklósnak és Blaho Sylviának a témakörben velünk folytatott tartalmas beszélgetéseikért. A tanulmány közvetlen (angol nyelvű) előzményei Siptár- Szentgyörgyi (2002) és Szentgyörgyi - Siptár (s. a.). 1 Ugyanezt a kérdéskört kormányzás fonológiai keretben elemzi Szigetvári (1998a); Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 101. 57-90.
