Fülöp Gyula (szerk.): Festschrift für Jenő Fitz - Szent István Király Múzeum közleményei. B. sorozat 47. (Székesfehérvár, 1996)

E. Alföldi-Rosenbaum: Womens Mantles with Decorated Borders

The coins of Magnia Urbica, Galena Valeria, Fausta and Helena all provide examples.1331 This costume is taken over from the “gala" costume of the emperors, based on the ancient Roman triumphal costume, which in turn has Etruscan antecedents.'34’ Pictorial evidence for the decoration of the toga picta or any other picta vestis of the emperors has not survived in monumental art, and on the coins it does not appear before the second half of the third century, with one exception, a denarius of Augustus of probably 18/17 B.C.(35>

Except for the statue from Carnuntum, none of the pieces discussed here has any possible imperial connection. There is, apart from the sarcophagi of group A, not even any evidence of the women’s elevated status within their communities. Carbonnaca, the “coniux incomparablis” of C. Sillenus Serenianus, who describes himself as “anniensis omnibus honorib(us) municipalibus perfunct(us)”, belonged to the upper stratum of her town. The husband and sons of Liguria Priscilla (A 3) held the offices of aedilis and decurio in Salona and Issa. Only on one of the Pannonian stones (C 4) do we learn anything about the occupation of one of the desceased : the father of the girl who wears the embroidered mantle, M. Aurelius Rufinus, was miles of legio I adiutrix. The men on the other stones also wear the sagum, which even with fringes is no sure indication of any particular rank.

includes at least elements of our garments. On cyclas see U. Süssenbach, in: Bonner História Augusta-Colloquium 1971 (Antiquitas Reihe 4, vol. 11, 1974), pp. 185-236 where also other women’s garments with woven and embroidered decoration are considered and a very full bibliography including ancient and medieval literary sources can be found. The mantle of the Carnuntum statue is called pallium by Süssenbach (192 note 30). Amongst the early medieval renderings of such a garment illustrated by Süssenbach, one of the figures of martyrs in Cividale, S. Maria in Valle (fig. 3) might give an indication of the mantle worn by Septimia Constantina on the tombstone C 3. Regardless of terminology, the examples discussed here are not garments of the types displaying excessive luxury such as is shown, e.g., on some of the imperial costumes.

(33) See, e.g., Magnia Urbica: R. Delbrueck, Die Münzbildnisse von Maximinus bis Carinus, Berlin 1 40, 233, PI. 30,27 (“Trabeabüste“); Galéria Valeria: RIC VI, Serdica 43, PI. 10, Thessalonica 29, PI. 4; solidus from Thessalonica in the Dumbarton Oaks collection, A.R. Bellinger et ai, “Late Roman Gold and Silver Coins at Dumbarton Oaks", DOP 18,1964,175 no. 35. - Constantinian : Double solidus of Crispus, Trier 321 or 324, Delbrueck, Kaiserporträts, p. 78, PI. 5, 4, Rv. Fausta standing, before her Crispus and Constantine II = RIC VII, p. 203, no. 442, PI. 5. - Helena: Bronze, Trier 326 or 329, Delbrueck p. 85, PI. 10, 12 (“Pallabüste”); small bronze Rome, 335-37, Delbrueck PI. 11,14(“Pallabüste"). On these coins

It appears that at least in a funerary context, to which most of our examples belong, a dress need not indicate a rank held by the deceased in real life - it might just reflect a dream.(36)

Returning to the starting point of this study, the ivory (or bone) carving in the British Museum and the possible function of this object, I must admit that the examination of the little female bust and in particular the form and decoration of the mantle has not led to any conclusion. Could it have been a toy? The little ball in the hollow “base”, and an interpretation as a rattle might be in support of such a solution. Rattles were also used as cult paraphernalia, but 1 find such a function highly improbable if only on account of the size.

Although I was unable to find any satisfactory interpretation for the object as such, I hope that the discussion of the little portrait bust has at least been of some use with regard to the type of mantle shown, even if in a negative sense: The occurrence of this kind of women’s costume on such a variety of monuments in such diverse regions and contexts seems to preclude any direct connection with an “oriental” fashion or a particular rank during the century or so in which the pieces discussed were probably made.

in connection with the Carnuntum statue see A. Alföldi, op. cit. 1923 and 1935/1970, see above note 28.

(34) See A. Alföldi, Die monarchische Repräsentation, 143 ff. = RM 50, 1935, 25 ff.

(35) A. Alföldi, Die monarchische Repräsentation, 150, note 1, PI. 2, 3 (following p. 118). A reference to this denarius, without illustration, is also to be found in the article of 1923 (see above, note 28), p. 40. See also id., Der Vater des Vaterlandes im römischen Denken (Darmstadt 1971), pp. 48, 69, Pl. VII, 8 (p. 108) = “Parens patriae”, MusHelv 9, 1952,212, 233, illustration in MusHelv 11,1954, p. 166. - On the coin: RIC I, 86, No. 296, Pl. II, 32; BMC RE I, p. cxi; pp. 69 fi, Nos. 397-402, Pis. 8, 20; 9, 1-3; Uncertain Spanish Mint 2 (Colonia Patricia?); Mattingly dates 19-16 or 15 B.C. See also H R. Goette, Studien zu römischen Togadarstellungen (Beiträge zur Erschliessung hellenistischer und kaiserzeitlicher Skulptur und Architektur 10) Mainz 1989, p. 6, note 46 (on toga picta), Beilage 1, 1-4.

(36) Another, much more obvious expression of the wish for elevation after death is the rise to divine status as it appears so frequently in Roman funerary art. See H. Wrede, Consecratio in formam deorum. Vergöttlichte Privatpersonen in der römischen Kaiserzeit, Mainz 1981 (with previous bibliography). The works discussed in this article are, of course, considerably removed from such aspirations, but one might perhaps take at least some of them as evidence of a “Verkaiserlichung" of private persons.

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