Gunda Béla et al. (szerk.): Ideen, Objekte und Lebensformen. Gedenkschrift für Zsigmond Bátky - István Király Múzeum közelményei. A. sorozat 29. (Székesfehérvár, 1989)

Lajos Vincze: Women, Sex and Herd in Peasant Pastoralism

help in cheese-making (but not in milking). In the major pastoral regions of Hungary, usually one of the shepherds transports the milk to the house of the owner, and the processing falls to the lot of the peasant family. When, however, cheesemaking is done in the herding camp, it is not unusual for the wife of the shepherd to join her husband for the milking season, or to visit the camp periodically (Gunda 1974, 226—227). She does not participate in milking, but assists her husband in processing the milk products. Even in this case, her activities are restricted. Strict rules prevent her from participating in the work of herding. These rules go as far as prohibiting the woman to give orders to the dogs, or to take the shepherd’s crook in her hands (Gunda 1970a, 287). According to Gunda (1974, 231), the presence of women in the shepherd camps is a recent development. Originally, all the work was accomplished by men. Although there is no specific taboo involved, the presence of women in the cattle, horse, and pig herds is regarded as highly improper everywhere (Györffy 1941a, 87; Tálasi 1936, 25; Varga 1972, 373).

In the Carpathian range, the Subcarpathian Piedmont, and the Transylvanian Basin of Rumania, a great variety of types of herding exists, ranging from the simple pasturing around the village to the transhumant form which may involve hundreds of kilometers of seasonal migration. The participation of sexes in herding shows greater variety than in Hungary. The attitude toward females varies from complete, magically reinforced, prohibiton to active participation to the point when a woman is invested with the role of supreme authority in the herding team.

On the basis of available data, we may summarize the variations as follow:

1. Complete prohibition for women from any contact with both the flock and the shepherds. This is the case in the Eastern Carpathians, the province of Moldova, and the Transylvanian Basin (Dunäre 1964, 258; Kovács 1968 15; Morariu 1937, 218—219; Vuia 1964, 163, 196—197). In the Rodna Mountains, villagers hold a banquet the first day of the spring grazing season. On this occasion women are present, but a separate place is assigned to them at the edge of the pasture (Morariu 1937, 143). In these areas, the shepherds must not have any contact with women. Until the day of St. Elias (July 20), they are not allowed to go to the village and must avoid even the sight of women. Otherwise, the sheep may get sick, their udders may become dry, and wolves may decimate the flock (Morariu 1937, 143; Vuia 1964, 196). In addition, it is the belief that only a virgin male can light the fire at the herding camp (foe vitt, i.e„ living fire). For obvious reasons, this job is usually assigned to the youngest shepherd boy, who kindles the fire by rubbing two pieces of wood together (Herseni 1936, 13; Morariu 1937, 142—143).

2. A less stringent prohibition prevails in the eastern region of the Southern Carpathians (Tara Birsei). Here, the wife may visit her husband at the camp (stina), but only on a few specifically designated days and she cannot stay overnight. Likewise, herdsmen are allowed to go to the village only one at a time and only on certain days (Dunäre 1972,206—209). In general, the presence of women is considered to be a nuisance. A longer stay may have a harmful effect on the milk (Herseni 1936, 13).

3. A quite different situation prevails among a few pastoral groups of the Southern Carpathians. These are transhumant shepherds who drive down their animals to the marshy floodplain of the Danube for wintering. In the summer, they return to the alpine pastures. Summer is the main season for milking. For the processing of milk, a woman specialist (bäcitä) is hired to each team. Her job is not only the preparation of various milk products, but also she becomes the head of the otherwise completely male herding personnel (Dunäre 1964,261—262; Popp 1933, 11 ; Vuia 1964, 126, 196—197; Vulcänescu 1970, 100). These women are famous for their expertise, for their industriousness, and for their energy in controling the operations of the camp. The following verse of a folksong aptly describes their character:

Woman, head of the team,

Always resourceful and courageous,

Never staying in the same place,

Whipping the first shepherd in shape,

Swearing at the shepherds,

While tweaking the ears of the shepherd boys. (Vulcänescu 1970, 100)

The position of herdswomen in the village society

Unfortunately, we do not have data on the situation of the Rumanian herdswomen within the village community. In Hungarian villages, the life-style of the herdswomen differs in many respects from the peasant women. First of all, herdswomen have much less work. Most herdsmen do not have cultivated fields; therefore, their wives’ activities are restricted to the house garden and other domestic work. Even in this, they are exempt from cooking for their husbands. Herdsmen prepare their meals in the herding camps. They are famous for their cooking art (Nagy-Czirok 1959, 222); one of their culinary creations has become internationally known as Hungarian goulash (the word gulyás means cattle-herdsman). Sometimes, it is the job of the herdswoman to collect the foodstuff from the owners, which is picked up weekly and transported to the pastures by the youngest herdboy. Peasant women, tired from the work in the fields, envy the herdswomen who chat for hours on benches before their houses (Gunda 1974, 228). Sometimes, herdswomen go to help out farmers’ wives in such work as soap-making, goose-plucking, etc. They are, however, reluctant to help out with the agricultural work (Gunda 1974, 229).

Like their husbands, herdswomen try to avoid any semblance of patron-client relationship vis-á-vis the peasant owners. A sign of this is that herdswomen do not accept payment for their occasional services to the farmers’ wives (Gunda 1974,229). There is a strong feeling of solidarity among herdswomen. They hold together, help out each other, and do not establish close friendship with peasant women. Herdswomen band together to go to the market and have a separate place in the church (Gunda 1974, 236). They do not participate in the social gatherings of the villagers, but have their own separate occasions for entertainment (Gunda 1974, 237; Nagy-Czirok 1959, 276—284; Szabadfalvi 1964, 19—37). Mixed marriages are rare and regarded as unfortunate by both sectors (Gunda 1974, 235; Paládi-Kovács 1965, 155).

210