Külügyi Szemle - A Teleki László Intézet Külpolitikai Tanulmányok Központja folyóirata - 2003 (2. évfolyam)
2003 / 1. szám - KÖZEL-KELET - Gazdik Gyula: The evolution of the Israeli party system
Gyula Gazdik balloting in the 2003 elections. The recurring debate with respect to the very low threshold - presently one and a half per cent - required for candidates competing in the parliamentary elections. However, this practice has been adopted only since the 1992 elections: previously it had been one per cent. The origins of this system date back to the period of the post-World War I British Mandate when the Jewish community of Palestine, the Yisuv, created its own representative organ. Hence, a low threshold had been set to enable as many representatives as possible to participate in the assembly's tasks. Following the establishment of the Israeli state, this practice prevailed during the January 1949 elections held prior to the first Arab-Israeli conflict. As a result of the one per cent threshold, 12 party lists were elected to the constitutional assembly - known as the Knesset - two days after it's opening on February 16. The comparatively large assembly became a permanent feature of Israel's parliamentary system. The portrayal of the complex and splintered party structure - which evolved during the past decades - is challenging. If we accept the prominent scholar of party systems, Giovanni Sartori's model - based on the number of competing political parties - then to all intents and purposes, Israel's party system fits the definition of a polarised pluralistic system. However, some of the factors listed in Sartori's model are not applicable to the modus vivendi of the Israeli reality. For instance, alternative coalitions are not possible, rotation is not limited either and the structure does not bear a semblance to the Weimar model. Probably Klaus von Beyme's version of Sartori's typology would be more appropriate for the Israeli case. Presumably, the third out of his four basic types - a variant of the bipolarised pluralistic model - typifies the presence of central parties that are able to govern. The two traditional rival Israeli parties - the centre-left Labour and the centre-right Likud form the integrative force, which - despite its volatility - afford a kind of stability for the political structure. Beyme's fourth basic typology applies to the uninterrupted domination of a ruling party which rests on the consensus of the other parliamentary forces - remained a distinct conjectural possibility in Israel only while the Labour Party held the monopoly on power until the second half of the 1970s. A series of classification criteria may be applied in the assessment of the various Israeli parties. Generally speaking, the structure that evolved over the past decades may be divided into four categories: left wing, right-wing liberal, religious and other alternative coalitions of varying political combinations. With respect to the platform there are certain divergences in terms of this classification. As a consequence of political polarisation, 29 coalition cabinets emerged during the 15 parliamentary cycles. Out of these - including the Sharon cabinet that assumed office in March 2001 - six functioned as a national unity government. 36 Külügyi Szemle
