Külpolitika - A Magyar Külügyi Intézet elméleti-politikai folyóirata - 1989 (16. évfolyam)
1989 / 1. szám - A tanulmányok orosz és angol nyelvű tartalmi kivonata
concerning the United States, the Western European integration, the Mediterranean region, the socialist countries and disarmament each. Loyalty to the United States and the NATO allies has been, a high priority in the foreign policy of the party and the government, although it across in a more tinge and independent way than earlier. In the first half of the eighties and in the first year dt the Craxi-government the Italian foreign policy completely identified itself with President Reagan’s tension-oriented policy of the time. From 1984 Craxi and his party were among the initiators of a more independent West European behavior which is less subordinate to the US policy of the moment, and of an increased role played by the medium and small countries. The autonomy of Craxi and his party manifested itself th meost in the Mediterranean region, where, from time to time, their policy conflicted with the anti-Arab policy of Washington. The „Ostpolitik” Of Craxi and his party has been characterized by ecri- ticizing the „existing socizing the „existing socialism” on the on hand, and, on the other, by the intention to improve the East-West relations. The latter was manifested by Craxi’s visits in Moscow, Budapest, Warsaw. Berlin and Peking and by the Italo-Hungaro- Finnisch initiative for the promotion of disarmamnet, which is outlined in detail in this study. Summarizeing his study Réti comes to the conclusion that the foreign policy activity of Craxi and his party increased the activity and independence of the Italian foreign policy to a large extent, contributing to the enhancement of international prestige of not only Italy but also of his own. Pál Ditnay: Attempts to Curb the Nuclear Tests (1958—1988) The study reviews the efforts made for curbing or totally banning nuclear weapon tests in the last 30 years. It can be stated that during different periods various groups of countries, one or another leading power were committed to the enforcement of a full test ban. The states had come to the closest to it before the conclusion of the partial test ban when only in connection with the number of on-site verificationst he difference remained between the United States and the Soviet Union. The failure of American, British and Soviet negotiations during 1977—1980 could be explained first of all by the termination of the détente process and by the switch in American policy in consequence of Reagan’s presidency. The paper does not review the events in the sequence of time, but focuses on the 80-ties. In course of the last years the Soviet disarmament policy has given priority to this question, but at the same time the United States is coupling its solution to the negotiated settlement of numerous other questions which necessarily delays the realisation of the full test ban. She is motivated first of all by the testing of third generation nuclear weapons needed to the implementation of the Strategic Defense Initiative. It is true however that the maintenance of nuclear deterrence’s reliability requires a certain nimber of tests on the part of each nuclear power. On the basis of these facts the study concludes that for the time being the process could go ahead by additional partial moves, through curbing nuclear tests but the comprehensive test ban is not within an easy reach. Sándor Pirityi: On the limitation of the naval armaments and activity The limitation of the naval armaments and activity is one of the oldest and, at the same time, the most timely chapter in the history of disarmament. The characteristic features of naval arms limitation are naturally connected with several factors, like the nature of the oceare: the possibilities of warfare on the surface and subsurface; the general security role of warships and their XIII.
