Itt-Ott, 1976 (9. évfolyam, 1-6. szám)
1976 / 2. szám
even have to appear in person. Since she had the backing of the country’s magnates in refusing to try Honter, Brother George had to drop his case. The first in a series of important acts of toleration was passed by the Transylvanian Diet in 1545. Its text is as follows: MIn the matter of religion let it be decreed tiiat henceforth no one is allowed to make innovations, lest he offend those outside the cities by his life, habits or manners,- but let each strive for the edification of all. Furthermore, let no one impede the monks and other churchmen in any way, but let them exercise their divine office freely, in the customary manner." This law is already a much more liberal formula than the "cuius regio eius religio" concept that was to dominate Western Europe for a long time to come. But besides that it is interesting in its wording and implications. hi the first place, it recognizes the existence of the Saxon -Church by stating that only future innovation is forbidden,- secondly, the reason given for the proscription is that people outside the cities — extra civitates, that is, in the Hungarian countryside — might be offended. Then it urges everyone to work for the betterment of his brethren. In the final proposition, it offers protection for the majority religion against the abuses of the minority. The same principle is reaffirmed in a law passed in 1548, only this time it is strengthened by the addition of a proscription against preachers going from one place to another for the purpose of agitating the locals. That the Hungarians still hoped for a restoration of unity from abroad is shown by the following preamble to this law: "cum brevi deliberationes Principium Christianorum expectentur" — an obvious reference to the Council of Trent. At this time the opposition in Transylvania is still essentially Hungarian Catholic vs. German Protestant, although the Hungarians, too, were beginning to show increased inerest in "innovating." The official church was, in any case, progressively weakened by being cut off from the West, by a shortage of priests, and by the official state policy, approved of by Martinuzzi himself, of feeding the state coffers from the wealth of the Church. But the decisive step in the history of the Transylvanian Reformation again comes on the political-military front, with Martinuzzi's fateful attempt to turn Transylvania over to Ferdinand. Acting on a secrét agreement signed in 1549, Ferdinand sent a contingent of 5, 000 mercenaries under Count Juan Castaldo to take charge of the country in the spring of 1551. Queen Izabella, however, who was to be amply compensated for giving up her prerogatives, had other ideas by this time and refused to abdicate for her son. Brother George had to use artillery to persuade her — and she fled to Poland with the young King. Martinuzzi, for his part, saw that he had made a mistake again: Ferdinand's soldateskawas no protection against the Turkish revenge that was sure to follow. At the last moment, he hesitated — and Ferdinand, who had promised him a cardinal’s hat, sent him an assassin’s bullet instead. The Turkish campaign of 1552 was furious and devastating. Ferdinand's armies performed badly — only a few Hungarian forts held out. Transylvania continued to be ruled by Ferdinand in name until 1556 ~ at which time the disgusted estates voted to invite Izabella and Janos Zsigmond to return from their exile. Although of course there had been some Protestant activity among the Hungarians erf the realm before, particularly among those who opposed Brother George's pro-Habsburg machinations, it was actually during the interim period, 1551-1556, that the spread of the Reformation became rapid among them. Naturally, this was in part due to the movement's own momentum. But even more important factors must have been the disgust at Martinuzzi's assassination, the pillaging of the country by Castaldo's unpaid mercenaries, the Turkish punitive expeditions against Transylvania, and the overall, demonstrated inefectiveness of Ferdinand's administration. It suddenly became patriotic to be anti-Habsburg, and to be that meant alsó to be anti-Catholic, for the Church was Ferdinand's main support. It 24
