Fáklyaláng, 1961. február-október (2. évfolyam, 2-10. szám)
1961-10-23 / 8-10. szám
6 Hungarian Torchlight Finally, it is also said that this generation did not come up with any new idea which originated in the United States and which would be an alternative to Soviet Communism. Germany’s failure to produce a new leading military-political idea during World War 1 caused her downfall. England, on the other hand, had a new idea to cope with the problem of trench warfare it developed the tank that crushed through the German lines in the West on August 8, 1918, and this massive attack of 400 British tanks demoralized the German troops and led to the capitulation of Germany a few months later. Similarly, the Soviet Union developed a new political strategy for the years immediately following World War II. The United States, however, failed to produce any new strategy to counteract Soviet expansion. The lack of new ideas in the field of international relations is further aggravated by the continuous efforts of American administrations to reach some compromise solution at all cost, an attutide that was motivated by the love and anxiety for the comfort and wealth this people enjoys. Obviously, the United States created an iceberg of itself and the nations aligned with it. This iceberg, however, is melted away, quite rapidly, by the heat of Soviet expansion and Communist tactics. The core of the problem, however, remains the will of the human being. There is no power on earth which could match it. Even Napoleon had to admit that the most important factor in war is the human element and not the masses. The battle is lost when the commanding general vacilates, has no definite ideas and is afraid of taking risks. Half-solutions lead to inevitable failures. Today, it is very hard to find enough will jjower to lead us through the difficult times ahead. The Hungarian Revolution, with its victory and defeat, is a shining example of human determination to live in freedom, and therefore, it remains a phenomenon that surpasses any other event in our time. May be this determination can be transplanted into this country, too. Nevertheless, the means of transplantation are useless or badly used up. In certain cases, these means were already destined to elimination and their continued use deteriorated them even more. After five years it seems that the tremendous political, moral and psychological value of the Hungarian Revolution and Freedom Fight is lost, at least for the present. We see that public opinion in this country, and in some other countries, too, is avoiding this issue rather painfully. The voice of conscience, the feeling of inertia and incompetence, and the shadow of the Soviet emblem on the rostrum of the Transport Workers Union creates an ill-feeling when they are to be digested. This will, however, change, although after the great deluge___ Our candle of remembrance and meditation burnt to its end and we must lift our eyes and look into the dreary future___ DESZŐ SULYOK Facts About The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Excerpts From The Report of The Special Committee of U.N. On The Problem of Hungary MEETINGS AND DEMONSTRATIONS On the day before the holding of mass demonstrations, namely 22 October, a number of student meetings took place in Budapest. At the most important of these, held by students of the Building Industry Technological University, the students adopted a list of sixteen demands which expressed their views on national policy. These demands contained most of the points put forward during the uprising itself. They included the immediate withdrawal of all Soviet troops, the reconstitution of the Government under Imre Nagy, who had meanwhile been re-admitted to the Communist Party, free elections, freedom of expression, the re-establishment of political parties, and sweeping changes in the conditions both of workers and peasants. It was learned during the meeting that the Hungarian Writers’ Union proposed to express its solidarity with Poland on the following day by laying a wreath at the statue of General Bern, a hero of Hungary’s War of Independence of 1848-49 who was of Polish origin. The students thereupon decided to organize a silent demonstration of sympathy on the same occasion. Early next morning, the students’ demands had become known throughout Budapest. Witnesses speak of an atmosphere of elation and hopefulness. Radio Budapest referred to the planned demonstration, but later announced a communique prohibiting it from the Minister of the Interior. The ban was, however, lifted during the early afternoon, when the demonstration was already under way. Thousands of young people took part in it, including students, factory workers, soldiers in uniform and others. A similar demonstration took place at the statue of Petőfi. Standing beside the statue of General Bem, Péter Veres, President of the Writers’ Union, read a manifesto to the crowd, who also listened to a proclamation of the students’ sixteen demands. Most of the crowd afterwards crossed the Danube to join demonstrators outside the Parliament Building where, by 6 p.m., between 200,000 and 300,000 people were gathered. Repeated calls for Imre Nagy eventually brought the former Premier. Mr. Nagy addressed the crowd briefly from a balcony of the Parliament Building. THE FIRST SHOTS There had so far been nothing to suggest that the demonstration would end in any other way than by the crowds returning home. An episode, however, at 8 p.m. greatly embittered the people. The First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party Ernő Gerö, had returned that morning from a visit to Marshal Tito, and the public was eagerly awaiting a speech which he was to broadcast at that time. The general hope was that he would take account of the popular demands voiced by the students and would make some conciliatory announcement in connection with them. The speech, however, made none of the hoped-for concessions and its whole tone angered the people. At the same time, another crowd had taken
