Amerikai Magyar Szó, 1992. július-december (46. évfolyam, 27-49. szám)
1992-08-27 / 32. szám
8. AMERIKAI MAGYAR SZÓ Thursday, Aug. 27. 1992 MUNKAÜGYBEN! HA MUNKÁT KERES , vagy .. , MUNKÁSRA VAN SZÜKSÉGÉ forduljon bizalommal ALEX hez Hungarian Employment Agency Telefon: (212)628 2500 MUNKÁT KERESÜNK Házaspár (40 év körüliek) korrekt, keresztény emberek munkát és lakás* megoldást keresnek. (Esetleg külön-külön is) A férj jó szakember, szobafestő, de bármilyen munka érdekelné, úgyszintén a feleségét is. Minden papírral, jó referenciával; jogosítvánnyal rendelkeznek MÁRIA ES ELMER (714) 870-1878 Magyarországi személyes kárpótlási igényeket és elállamositott tulajdonok visszatérítését vállalom, úgyszintén fordításokat angolról magyar, német és román nyelvre. FEHÉR MIHÁLY Telephon :(718) 969-4584 MOST MÁR VEHET TULAJDONJOGGAL LAKÁST VAGY HÁZAT MAGYARORSZÁGON anélkül, hogy külföldi állampolgárságét és jogait feladja Hótel, lakás, iroda építkezéshez és ipari vállalatok felújításához tőkés társakat kérésünk. Senior Citizen Otthon indul junius 30-an Érden. Egyszeri beszallási költség $ 25.000.- plusz általános költségek kb. $ 2.500.- Havonta élelmiszer ellátásra $ 250.- Külön studio lakások teakonyhával. Vezérképviselet RETUR REALTY CORP. Új címünk: 130 Madison Ava. 4th Floor New York, N.Y. 10016 Telefon: 212/695*2245 Ede: 212/664*2175 TIMA’S MEAT SPECIALTIES ( VOLT MERTL) Hentesüzletében mindenféle jó kolbász, jó hurka, szalámi, friss húsok stb. Hasal módra ioéssitve, és erdélyi lsek is kaphatók 1508 Second Ave, (78-79 utcák között) MBW YORK, N.Y. Tel: (212) 744-8292 Vladimir Sklapentokh Coup Rumors in Moscow But this year popular discontent, not a secret cabal, threatens Yeltsin Paradoxically, in August 1992 the signs of an inpending coup are much more visible than they were exactly one year ago, although this does not mean that a coup is inevitable. This time, unlike August 1991, the major threat to the regime stems not from the nomenklatura but from the mass discontent that conservatives hope to transform into big riots under their guidance. After taking control in August 1991, the regime's theorists initiated a program designed to maintain the sympathy of the people through three means - privatization of property, the independence of Russia, and the establishment of a new government based on democratic principles. President Boris Yeltsin's privatization, however, has antagonized the masses rather than earn their support. Only a tiny minority of the population has noticed any significant benefit. The authoritities also failed to enable Russians to own even their state-controlled apartments, not to mention production assets. Consequently, Russians have little faith left in the plan to transform Russia into a nation of property owners. Part of the problem is that Mr. Yeltsin's government lost control over privatization to old and new bureaucrats (as well as to criminals), who took advantage of their positions as insiders to purchase a significant part of the means of production. Consequently the privatization program has left most Russians without modification in their property status, while hyperinflation has drained savings accounts in the past two years. Most Russians are actually worse off financially than they were in the past, and are extremely angry about the wealthy life of the new bourgoisie. The polls demonstrate that a growing majority of Russians (63 percent in April and 68 percent in June) feel a strong nostalgia for the Soviet Union. The public has also changed its views regarding the organizers of the coup last August; only a minority (24 percent) still regards them as criminals. Many Russians regard these people as heroes who were attempting to save the Soviet Union. Even Yeltsin's most ardent adversaries cannot deny that his regime significantly expanded political freedoms and strengthened fledgling democratic institutions in the country after the failed coup. However recent developments, including the atmosphere of anarchy in the country, the bickering between various branches Magyar BEjLGYÓG YÁSZ specialist. Dr. Daniel Klein RGndd&k* v 229 E 79 St New York NY 10021 (212) 7372000 Hétfőn és csütörtök délelőtt i 13948 Elder A*. Flushing.N.Y. 24 órás díjtalan telefon konzultáció Rendelés előzetes bejelentéssel BIZTOSÍTÁST ELFOGADUNK Túlsúly problémák * Magas vérnyomás Cukorbetegség * Teljes kivizsgálás Szükség esetén házhoz megy. of local government, the mass corruption of the bureaucracy and its complete impunity, and the huge increase in criminal activity are all associated with democracy in the minds of many citizens. As a result, many Russians are yearning for the good old days when the authorities kept order in the country. Of course, if the regime had managed the economy more successfully, people would have been less cognizant of these problems. But most Russians are suffering the most difficult living conditions since the end of World War II. A recent poll found that six times as many Muscovites preferred living conditions in Brezhnev's era as preferred current conditions., With the precipitous fall in popularity of Yeltsin's regime, it is not amazing that the conservative opposition - an alliance of Stalinists and chauvinists has strengthened its position enormously in the last few months. Conservatives, who shouted anti-Semitic slogans during a violent attack on the government TV station, have gained unqualified support of one-fifth of the Russian population, not to mention the support of Moscow’s parliament. Several polls show that the conservatives' platform - the restoration of Russian authoritative statehood as the solution to all current problems, including protection of Russian minorities in former republics - is now two to three times more attractive to Russians than progress toward democracy and market economy. It is possible that the Russian doomsayers exaggerate the Russian drama.However, Western leaders should take the gloomy prognoses coming from within Russia very seriously. They should prepare themselves for a new geopolitical reality, quite possibly including a restoration of totalitarianism, mild or harsh, in Moscow. Western leaders would be wise to continue to do what they can in order to prevent such developments, even if their means to affect such a giant country are very limited. (The Christian Science Monitor) REMEMBERING ZOLTÁN RUDNER It was a year ago this month that we reported the sad news that Zoltán Rudner, a staunch friend of our publication and of the progressive press and movements in general, passed away. In that obituary we pointed out that Rudner was brought to the United States by his parents as an infant. He never had a chance to master the language of his parents and of his native land but he loved it, and was a steadfast reader of our paper. He appreciated our press. There was hardly a banquet, or other social affair sponsored by our paper that he did not attend. This we always knew. What we did not know was the dimension of his human greatness, of his record of selfless, tireless, dauntless devotion to the cause of progress, specifically the building of trade unions. We did not know of the heroic efforts he made to build trade unions in Buffalo and the ordeals of fire he and his family had to undergo because of his dedication to the cause of the people. This is why with each passing day the dimension of our loss becomes clearer. We still cannot appraise the full measure of the loss that the Magyar Szó and American labor suffered by the untimely death of our dear firend, Zoltán Rudner.
