The Hungarian Student, 1957 (1. évfolyam, 2-8. szám)

1957 / 7. szám

ló The Hungarian Student the Communist papers contradicting the stand taken by the real students. The resolute political stand taken by the young Hungarian intellectuals has caused the Kadar puppet regime serious headaches. Youth wanted to establish real democracy in Hungary, a thing diametrically opposed to the teaching of Muscovite Communism, and the government did its best to terrorize and break the university youth. The youth was not frighten­ed by Minister of State Marosan’s ar­rogant, threatening speech made in Pecs on January 23, 1957. Therefore, the government resorted to stronger measures in the first days of Febru­ary, 1957. The police searched the students’ hostels during the night and also raided their apartments. Ac­cording to official reports, many sub­machine guns and rifles were found and “inciting” leaflets confiscated. Anti-Russian slogans are heard in lower-grade schools almost every day. On February 8, 1957, the police ar­rested seven middle-school students, because they had wanted to escape to Yugoslavia. Had they succeeded in their plan, the rest of their class would have followed them. In January, 1957, the government launched its final assault on the youth. It stifled the resistance of the youth organization with the arrest of the MEFESZ leadership. Demonstra­tions in schools were followed by ar­rests. Educators were arrested or si­lenced with threats. Official reports announced that youth organizations had been “purged.” At the beginning of February, 1957, “the youth organ­izations existing without a member­ship” fell completely in line with the official party policy. “They support the government and the construction of socialism and join the so-called ‘Democratic World Youth Organiza­tion.’ ” The third phase started on March 17, 1957, when the resolution of the provisional Central Committee of the MSZMP (Hungarian Socialist Work­ers’ Party) “proposed” the establish­ment of the Communist Youth Asso­ciation (KISZ). Since then the other youth organizations have gradually withered away, either merging with KISZ, or discontinuing their activi­ties. At the present time only KISZ and the Pioneer Association are func­tioning. However, their membership is much below the membership of their parent organizations, the pre­revolutionary DISZ and Pioneer As­sociation, and their existence is largely a formality. In their attempts at political re-education of the youth, they have not been able to achieve as much as their pre-revolutionary pred­ecessors. The government no longer consi­ders the “counter-revolutionary” at­titude of youth an indication that youth has been “led astray.” Accord­ing to the usually well-informed New York Times correspondent, John Mc­Cormack, in the period between the crushing of the national revolution and January 28, 1957, the Commu­nists arrested seven thousand per­sons. Eighty percent of these were students, and the majority of all pres­ently arrested Hungarians also are youths. The Russians have extorted confessions from Hungarian students deported to the Ukraine according to which the students wanted to help the imperialists with the “counter­revolution” of October 23, 1956. In his threatening letter addressed to the students of Pecs, Minister of State Marosan announced that Marx­ism will again be made compulsory in all Hungarian universities and academies. According to Marosan the university students misused the concept of university autonomy in the interests of the counter-revolu­tion. At the end of January, 1957, middle-school and university students demonstrated in favor of an indepen­dent Hungary by wearing rosettes of Hungary’s national colors. At the end of May, 1957, the Ministry of Public Education announced that it had re-introduced the teaching of Marxism-Leninism at the universities and middle-schools as a compulsory subject. Commenting editorially on the decree, Nepszabadsag stated that “it was the unalterable intention of the Communists to foil the attempts of counter-revolutionary elements. These elements still try to sabotage the correct education of our chil­dren.” Emphasis is again on the so­cial origin of the students at the uni­versities, and their abilities are given secondary consideration. The rectors appointed by Kadar to head Hungarian universities do their best to please their benefactor. Endre Reuss, dean of the Technical University, and Imre Sándor, an as­sistant professor, made the following statement on the conditions of ad­mission to the universities before the beginning of the fall term : “The num­ber of points achieved (at the ex­amination of admission), social orig­in and the ‘class situation’ are the decisive factors as far as admission is concerned. Symbolically, the crite­ria for students whose parents were members of the intelligentsia has been raised. Foreign and domestic reaction both accuse us for applying yardsticks, but a student of intelli­gentsia origin starts middle-school with a certain advantage. For in­stance, the son of an engineer is im­bued with intellectual interest at home which he brings to school.... The principle of applying the same rules to every case is wrong, un­healthy and a yardstick torn away from reality. Qualifications for ad­mission are also influenced by cer­tain political criteria. We are disin­clined to accept reactionary, class­­alien elements to the universities and those who have fought with arms on the side of the counter-revolu­tion___” During the revolution, revolution­ary councils were established spon­taneously, and democratically in al­most every phase of life ; in factories, kolkhozes, among intellectuals. They were the first steps toward a new, free way of life. During the first days of November these councils control­led the most important phases of life in Hungary. Decree No. 17/1956 of the Kadar regime abolished these democratic organizations : “Experience has shown that the activities of revolutionary councils did not serve in any way the inter­ests of the people. On the contrary, in each instance where they are still in existence they adversely influence and hinder state and economic reor­ganization and consolidation. For this reason the Hungarian Revolution­ary Worker-Peasant Government hereby dissolves and abolishes all revolutionary councils and their exe­cutive committees .... ” (Magyar Közlöny [Hungarian Gazette], De­cember 8, 1956.) (<Continued on page 17)

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