Fraternity-Testvériség, 1994 (72. évfolyam, 1-4. szám)
1994-01-01 / 1. szám
FRATERNITY Page 7 Springfield, Illinois, a resolution was passed, upon Abraham Lincoln’s recommendation, to recognize Hungarian independence. After the struggle had been lost, Kossuth was finally able to visit the country which had fostered his ideal and then had rescued him from his exile in Turkey. Upon disembarking at Staten Island from the Mississippi frigate which the American government had dispatched to Istanbul, Kossuth expressed his gratitude to his hosts: The United States of America ... declared by this unparalleled act their resolve to become the protectors of human rights... Others spoke, you acted, and / was free! ... At this act of yours tyrants trembled, humanity shouted with joy, the Magyar nation, crushed but not broken, raised its head with resolution and with hope, and the brilliancy of your stars was greeted by Europe ’s oppressed millions as the morning star of liberty. Kossuth had his official welcome two days later when he was escorted by a deputation of prominent New Yorkers abroad the steamer Vanderbilt, amidst the salvos of the nearby forts and the cheers of the throngs on nearby ships. Castle Garden was filled with thousands of people, waiting for the procession which formed at the Battery. As the procession moved up Broadway, Kossuth, standing up in an open carriage, his feathered Hungarian hat (soon very fashionable wear for many thousands of liberal Americans, and called a “Kossuth hat”) in his right hand, escorted by some of his Hungarian Hussar officers on horseback, created a lasting impression. ‘The military display,” it was later reported, “was undoubtedly the finest ever seen in our city .... Taken all in all, New York never before gave such a generous ovation to either fellow-countryman or stranger.” Kossuth’s response to this generous welcome was given in several major addresses, beginning with the one delivered at the “Corporation Dinner” at Irving House on December 11, in which he pleaded for American intervention in European affairs: “People of the United States, humanity expects that your glorious republic will prove to the world, that republics are founded on virtue, - it expects to see you the guardians of the laws of humanity.” In a country whose independence had been secured by the intervention of another country (France), Kossuth’s plea was irresistible. “There is,” he insisted, “a striking resemblance between your course and that of my country.” Kossuth’s request for American support stemmed from his belief in the universal applicability of the American principle: that all races are capable of a noble development under noble institutions. Give freedom to the Celt, the Slavon, or the Italian, or whatever other people, give them freedom and independence, establish among them the great principle of local self-government and ... they will in due time ripen into all the excellence and all the dignity of humanity. After making a number of other speeches and receiving some thirty delegations over several weeks, he left New York on December 23, and went on to Philadelphia and Baltimore, where he reiterated his plea for American help in the restoration of Hungarian liberty in preparation for his bid for official support in Washington. There he would face the powerful lobbies of the embassies of Austria, Russia, and Prussia, who formed a veritable alliance against him. Arriving in Washington on the 30th, Kossuth was first greeted by President Fillmore at a state dinner on January 3. He was received by both the Senate and by the House of Representatives, an honor which had been previously granted only to Lafayette. After a dinner given for him by Congress on January 7, Kossuth addressed the company; and contrary to custom, “a large number of ladies, anxious to hear the speech of the distinguished Magyar ... were admitted” (as reported by the Recording Officer of the House). Kossuth emphasized, again, the importance of recent United States actions on behalf of his person and his country. Secretary of State Webster underscored Kossuth’s message. We shall rejoice to see our American model upon the Lower Danube, and on the mountains of Hungary. But that is not the first step ... I do not profess to understand the social relations and connections of races, and twenty other things that may affect the political institutions of Hungary. All I say is, that Hungary can regulate these matters for herself infinitely better than they can be regulated for her by Austria, (applause) and therefore I limit my aspirations for Hungary, for the present, to that single and simple point — Hungarian independence. (Mr. Seward: Hungarian independence! — Applause.) Hungarian self-government; Hungarian control of Hungarian destinies. (Renewedapplause.) These are the aspirations which / entertain, and I give them to you, therefore, Gentlemen, as a toast. The evening was also significant for some who had not been invited. Opponents of Hungary’s cause moved into action. The most zealous among them was a very unhappy diplomat, Mr. Hülsemann, the Austrian chargé d’affaires who — as reported by the British ambassador - - regarded Mr. Webster’s toast and sentiment “a distinct manifestation of hostility and disrespect to the Austrian government.” In an informal communication, undated, President Fillmore tried to smooth the feelings of Hülsemann by stating his own “sincere desire to maintain cordial and friendly relations with the government of Austria.” As he put it, he understood that “Mr. Webster’s speech is to be revised,” and therefore he, the President, had not “read it” and could “express no opinion upon it.” But he did not want to say that “Mr. Webster’s speech ... must be regarded as his individual, unofficial opinion, and not as the sentiments of my administration.” When Prince Schwarzenberg, the Austrian Foreign Minister,