Diaconescu, Marius (szerk.): Mediaevalia Transilvanica 1998 (2. évfolyam, 2. szám)
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On the Political History of Transylvania in 1440-1443 201 tells no more than that the first clash, though ended with the Ottomans' victory, was a very bloody one, and both parties suffered great losses64. Our only possibility is therefore to turn to the chronicles for more information, though obviously a greater measure of prudence is needed here than with the charter evidence. Our main source is evidently Thuróczy here, because Bonfini does hardly more than paraphrase his older contemporary's narrative. According to Thuróczy's version, soon after Hunyadi had arrived to Alba Iulia with a tiny escort, he and bishop Lépes left the city with their troops but were surprised and defeated by the Ottomans ad campum ville Sancti Emerici65. The voivode managed to escape, but the bishop was killed. Scholars are unanimous in supposing that this villa Sancti Emerici is Sântimbru to the north-east from Alba Iulia. If we presume that Mezid bey entered Transylvania through the pass of Tumu Roşu66, a first encounter in the vicinity of Alba Iulia is by no means improbable and is entirely in keeping with the charter of Wladislaw which says that the second battle took place five days after the first one67: Mezid must have had no difficulty in reaching the pass of Vaskapu within five days. We can therefore accept Thuróczy's statement that the first encounter took place near the village of Sântimbru68, but the rest of his narrative, together with Bonfini's additions, can safely be rejected. According to Thuróczy, after the lost battle Hunyadi collected as many armsbearers of his province as he could in a short time and followed the withdrawing Ottomans, thirsty of vengeance. Bonfini adds to this that the viovode ordered the "bloody sword" to be circulated in Transylvania, recruited warriors from the villages and the towns, and commanded the Szeklers to take the field69. It was at the head of this hastily mustered army that he pursued the Ottomans and defeated them in a second battle before they could leave the province. Now, if we keep in mind how slow and difficult the mobilisation of the Transylvanian troops was before the battle of Mohács (under different circumstances, it is true), it is almost impossible to imagine how the voivode could have been able to raise an army that would then meet and beat the Ottomans five days later. Such a mobilisation, if we suppose that the Transylvanian troops were not in arms at the been a forgery based on the second, authentic grant and completed with the name of the battle taken from either Thuróczy and Bonfini. 64 L. Thallóczy-A. Áldássy, op. cit. (see note 40), 141. 65 Thuróczy, op. cit. (see note 47), pp. 244-245. 66 In this sense see L. Elekes, op. cit. (see note 35), p. 148. 67 We think that we have every reason to take the charter's affirmation literally: Hunyadi was present in the royal court when the charter was drafted, probably for the fist time since the winter of 1441, so he seems to have been the primary source of information of the chancery. See Dl. 30.807 (Hunyadi stays at Buda on 15 April 1443). 68 Outside the chronicles the only source which mentions Sântimbru as the place of the battle is the frequently cited epitaph of bishop Lépes. See O. Székely, op. cit. (see note 46), p. 10, note 3. 69 Antonius de Bonfmis, Rerum Ungaricarum Decades, ediderunt I. Fógel et B. Iványi et L. Juhász, tomus III, decas III, liber V, p. 108.
