Petőcz Kálmán (szerk.): National Populism and Slovak - Hungarian Relations in Slovakia 2006-2009 (Somorja, 2009)

Grigorij Mesežnikov: National Populism in Slovakia - Defining the Character of the State and Interpreting Select Historic Events

Grigorij Mesežnikov have but [two options]: either respect the Jánošík tradition or replace the nation ... Anti-Slovakism still dwells as a hidden bacillus in some Slovak historians. That is why these spiritually homeless people object to a free discussion over new terminology that speaks of ancient Slovaks or King Svätopluk.”36 According to Fico, “the media launched an inquisitorial witch­hunt against everything that is Slovak [...]. Only spiritually homeless or nationally ignorant may [strive to] deprive the nation of the legend about Jánošík who struggled against social oppression.”37 National populists’ inclination to positive perception of “nationally­­oriented” historical figures with an authoritarian profile may be illustrated by efforts to pass a special law on the merits of Andrej Hlinka, a Catholic priest and one of the Slovak nation’s principal political leaders in the first half of the 20"’ century. The SNS proposed that Hlinka be officially refer­red to as “the father of the nation”. One of the most active protagonists of the idea to pass the special law on Hlinka was SMER-SD Vice-Chairman and Minister of Culture Marek Madarič who declared that Hlinka’s “per­sonality is unambiguous” and “his merits are extraordinary”. The positive evaluation of Hlinka would be imposed in an authoritative fashion that, if enforced in practice, could even restrict freedom of scientific research and public discussion. Madarič called voices arguing that Hlinka’s historical profile deserves detailed discussion “perfidious”, arguing that “Hlinka’s per­sonality deserves mostly respect”.38 In line with this attitude, the SNS direct­ly proposed to punish critical evaluation of Hlinka as “defamation of Hlinka’s name”. The HZDS also supported ‘enacting’ Hlinka’s merits; according to Chairman Mečiar, his party endorsed the SNS position more than that of the opposition KDH that submitted a more moderate bill on Hlinka. A special place among historic events whose interpretation is particu­larly important in terms of impact on Slovakia’s socio-political development is emergence and existence of the wartime Slovak State. The official state doctrine of the Slovak Republic is based on the anti-fascist tradition embo­died in the Slovak National Uprising of 1944. The modem Slovak Republic is considered a successor to the Czechoslovak Federation but neither legal nor political successor to the wartime Slovak State proclaimed in March 1939; however, a revisionist perception of the period of 1939-1945 has become part of the country’s public and political discourse regarding the issue of national history after 1989. An integral part of this perception is the thesis that the wartime state (also called “the first Slovak Republic”) was de facto a predecessor of the modern Slovak Republic, efforts to sepa­rate the totalitarian regime established by the fascist Hlinka’s Slovak 54

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