Bukovszky László: A Csehszlovákiai Magyar Demokratikus Népi Szövetség és a Mindszenty-per szlovákiai recepciója (Budapest-Somorja, 2016)
Földrajzinév-mutató
tained work, briefly outlined the activities of the half a dozen illegal, human rights defender groupings and organizations. He, at the same time, has provided the starting point and motivation for historiography to get space in the historical science for the so far neglected topic of the individual and collective stance of the Hungarians in Slovakia. He also was the one who refuted the second axiom of Zoltán Fábry on the attitude of the Hungarian minority to the events during the years of disenfranchisement. Because Tóth, disproving the three possible choices conceived by Fábry—’’the Hungarian democrats, communists and anti-fascists” in the situation at hand either move to Hungary, step back to a protesting, silent passivity, or change their nationality and try to seek opportunities of cooperation—, has pointed out that there was a fourth choice too: “protest, active opposition, open resistance, the way to mitigate the consequences as far as possible”. The number of illegal and semi-illegal organizations arising from April 1945 had fully embraced the society of the Hungarians in Slovakia. Their activities were identical at one point: they openly and courageously stood up for the protection of the Hungarian minority against the chauvinistic anti-Hungarian provisions of the Czechoslovak government and of the Slovak government institutions. Among them, it was the Democratic People's Alliance of Hungarians in Czechoslovakia (Csehszlovákiai Magyar Demokratikus Népi Szövetség—Csmadnész) emerged in the early autumn of 1945 that was the best organized and most active in the field of legal defence for the longest period of time. The illegal organization formulated and issued a series of memoranda drawing attention on the inhuman situation of the Hungarians in Slovakia, and came forward with concrete proposals for solutions towards the government of Hungary and the church leaders. It even documented the grievances suffered by the Hungarian minority in its illegal publications entitled Észak Szava and Gyepű Hangja. Despite these facts, the activities of the organization are barely present in the historical awareness of Slovakia's Hungarians. The organization's very establishment and its activities were brought about by historical constraints. At the same time, it must be highlighted that the operation of the organization would have been completely unthinkable without the personal conviction and the determined, brave stance of those intellectuals—Catholic priests, university students, professors, teachers, Protestant pastors—who had the courage of their Hungarian ethnicity, religious affiliation, and human dignity even in the hardest times of repression. Through its trustees, Csmadnész had webbed almost the whole of Southern Slovakia, from
