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1 John Russell has described (1992) how contemporary Japanese marketing trends invoke representations of blackness to situate Japanese identity vis-à-vis the West, while Susan Terrio has detailed (2000) how the French chocolate industry from the IS"1 century to the present has similarly used images of black Africans to cultivate and market particular identities, lifestyles, and values associated with their products.

2 I describe this community and the practices of social exchange that shape it more fully elsewhere (Caldwell in press).

3 The bulk of the research was conducted between November 1997 and October 1998, with subsequent research trips in summer 1999, 2000, 2001, and 2002. I have also remained in contact with several informants through electronic mail correspondence.

4 I have used a pseudonym for this community.

5 In addition, personal accounts of such attacks also suggest growing public tolerance for - or at least attempts to turn a blind eye toward - such acts. For more information on these trends, see Klomegah 1997; Shulyakovskaya 1998; Filipov 1999; Kamara 2001; Rainsford 2001.

6 Although Russians also distinguish between insiders and outsiders with the terms “svoi" (one’s own) and “chuzhoi” (foreign) (Stepanov 1997: 492; Pesmen 2000:165), I rarely encountered this distinction in my fieldwork. Instead, the “nash"/"ne nash” distinction appeared frequently in both popular and official discourse (see also Humphrey 1995; Pesmen 2000; Caldwell 2002).