Gecse Annabella: Az etnikai és társadalmi átrendeződés folyamata egy gömöri falu 20. századi életében - Interethnica 10. (Komárom-Somorja, 2007)

Irodalom

these processes with numerical particulars. Graphs made of tables in the appendix exemplify how many persons were lost the village, how many moved off after these processes. All along I managed separately the men and the women, because in the case of women the marriage could and can cause the migration. For that, estimating the datas I did not take the number of their migration into consideration.

Regarding the annual shaping of the migrations it is noteworthy that they did not begin in the 1970s, despite the estimation of the persons in Baraca. If we ignore women the survey of the migrated men shows several peaks in the years of 1950s and 1960s. So we can not state that the sole reason of migrations was the co-operative join to the state estate, and the loss of the administrative independence of the village. During the many decades of living together dictated tight competitions, almost inhuman workspeed. For that it would have been disallowable for the members of the community not to make visible, apparent and interpretable for the controll the reasults of their hard work. Who did not want to take part in this competition, or did not want to live the new form of their old familiar life changed by outside effects, they moved off as early as in the 1950s. The forming of the other wave of the migration was also neeeded something else. There are several other villages around Baraca which history were similar, and got similar strikes, but did not depopulate. Here we can mention that the migration and the accompanied home purchase became the tool of the competition. (For the extension of the domain, house building or the rich espousal weren’t the tool anymore, they were already exceed.) In this case an abstract norm (financial -social rise) concretized in the guise of migration. The last wave of the migrations - in my opinion - can be explaned mainly by this element. The communal control dealt with the migration of the families (primarily financially), the dissolution of the former peasant community was inseparable from this contention. The fact that the target settlement wasn't all the same can be seen from the survey of the new homes of the migrated persons. Most of the migrated people targeted two towns exactly the same distance from Baraca: Rimaszombat and Tornaija. It was important not to be the physical distance insuperable and not to be out of each others eyeshot, but it was also expected to be the new settlement a town.

I developed, supported by the materials stated in the second main section, that the reason of the migrations and such degree of depopulation must have been the effect of several factors, not an only phenomenon. However it is certain that the process became irreversible after the years of closing the co-operative, similarly the demographic dynamic of the peasant community wasn’t „forceless", but under the influence of suction force the settlement stepped on the way of ethnic re-arrangement.

The third section of the treatise deals with the forming of the present ethnic aspect of the settlement. The problem of „gipsyizing” as well-known in the literature in the case of Baraca is the result and outgrowth of the above treated processes. Parallelly the former inhabitants of the gipsy row at the village-end moved to the tenantless houses. By the 1970s their number considerably increased, they extended their living space into every possible direction in the village. The former gipsy row then disappeared and today all the gipsy persons live in the inner district of the village. Only few gipsy families were in the first decades of the 20th century, but by now their number has increased to 372 persons. This increase does not mean settling down in Baraca from other places, this means that families in Baraca increased. If we draw the family trees of the present multi-generation gipsy families, we can find that more than 300 persons are from 12 multi-generation families. As the mental image of the village is different in the cases of peasants and gipsies, the two ethnic groups in the level of consciousness do not live in the same set-190