Imre Györgyi szerk.: A modell, Női akt a 19. századi magyar művészetben (A Magyar Nemzeti Galéria kiadványai 2004/2)

Tanulmányok / Studies - Imre Györgyi: A modell / The Model

ty can only be justified by the circumstance that dissectors had to do everything in order to place their profession that was regarded as a sacrilege in better light.' Cf. Hyrtl, Joseph: Az Etnberboncztan Tankönyve Tekintettel az Élettani Indoklásra s a Gyakorlati Alkalmazásra. (The Textbook of Human Anatomy With Respect to its Physiological Resasonings and Practical Applications). Bp., 1849 18 68 Újvári, Péter: Giotto doktrínája, avagy miért lett a művészetnek elmélete. (Giotto's Doctrine and the Demand for a Theory of Art). A MNG Evkönyve / Annales de la Galerie Nationale Hongroise 1997-2001. Bp. 2002. 15-30. Pietro d'Abano scholarly doctor from Padova emphasised in connection with Giotto's physiognomic illustrations that a person's physical and psychological constitution can be learnt from their portrait, 'especially if it is painted by an artist who is able to make a depiction similar in every aspect, like Giotto.' Op. cit. 20, note 53 69 Müntz, Eugène: Le Musée de l'École des Beaux Arts, Gazette des Beaux Arts, t. 5, 1891, 188. Quoted by Prix de Rome 1986, 26. A general work on the subject is Kirchner 1991. 0 It was Le Brun's physiognomic expressions that were included among the graphic tables of the Grande Encyclopédie''s entry on Drawing {Dessein) among the works of the academy. It was later adopted by Lavatet as well (see n. 48), and Valenciennes wrote of it as the preparatory subject of historical painting. On his principles cf. Júlia Katona's present study and also n. 86 71 Cf. Prix de Rome 1986, 26 I would like to thank István Csicsery-Rónai for enabling research in Zichy Mihály's library in Zala. Brocky's name, however, is not featured in the academy's register. Thanks also to Pál Nagy (Paris) and Eva Bicskei for checking up on this, and to Nóra Verszprémi for her advice. 3 Rodin's picture was acquired by the Museum of Fine Arts from Pál Majovszky's collection. 4 He copied the educational system of the Academy of Venice. Cf. Péter 1936. 36-41. See also Imre 2002 13-18, 264-265. He was granted the patent for his school by the king. About the independence of artists of the academy from guilds, see Boime 1971, 4-5. 75 Cf. MTA MKI Adattár inv.: MDK A-I-3. Typed documentary material 189 / 1-2. 76 See Divatcsarnok (Fashion Hall) for which János Marastoni made an arts supplement. Cf. 1855. issue 19, 5th April, 380 77 8th July 1847; quoted by Péter 1936. 22 8 On this type of Renaissance portrait see also Ágoston, Julianna: Female Nudes With or Without Mythological Clothes. PhD Dissertation. Bp. 1998. Cf. Henszlmann 1990, 110-111; 122-124. 79 See also n. 100; Imre 2002; Sinkó 1995 and Csernitzky, Mária: Marastoni József (1834-1895) művészképmás-galériája, 1858-1868 (József Marastoni's Artist Portrait-Gallery). Ibid. 192-196 80 Eugène Durieu (1800-1874). The series in question could be Marcantonio Raimondi's / Modi. See Delacroix's Diary, 20th May 1853 Sl See Delacroix's Diary 82 On daguerreotypes cf. Péter, Kornélia 12, 13. Cf. also MTA MKI. inv.: MDK A-I-3. For further literature see Imre 2002, 17, 265. 2. j. 83 Besides them, phototypes and photographs (principally the Braun type) of works of art were also in use. MKE inv.: 2541 84 Richer's work entitled Morphologie: La Femme (Paris 1915) was not included among the library of the MKE. See also Szőke 1992 85 Thanks go to Mrs Ilona S. M. who provided me with all the available data. 86 Watelet's treatise entitled Art de Peindre (1757) is quoted by: Pierre-Henri de Valenciennes: Elémens de Perspective Pratique á l'usage des artistes. Paris 1808, 1820. Székely, Bertalan: A compositio tanítása. (Instruction of Composition) MNG Documentation Department inv.: 20.701/1980 88 Cf. Bätschmann, Oskar: Scheitern am Meisterwerk. Paul Cézannes «Grosse Badende». Lecture at the Schweizerischen Institut für Kunstwissenschaft Kunst & Karriere. Neue Zürcher Zeitung, 22. Januar, 2000. 89 The model of the Hungarian National Museum's concept was the French concept of the Muséum Nationale. Changeaux revealed the concept preceding the decree of the Convent 1993, 13-14. Quatremère drew inspiration from D'Alember's preface of the Grande Encyclopedic. The concept concentrated in a single building failed to be realised in Paris of all places, as following the revolution magnificent palaces, including the Louvre itself with the royal collections, were available. Cf. Changeaux 1993. 13-14. 90 Cf.: Lacambre 1974, 7. For the Renaissance studiolo, as the architectural iconographie forerunner of museum's see: Eörsi, Anna: A gyerekgyilkos Médeiától a Szereteten át Terpszikboré múzsáig. (From the Infant-Murdering Medea through love to the Muse Terpsichore). Újabb megjegyzések a belfiorei studiolo múzsaábrázolásaihoz. M.E. LIII. (2004) 91 For the deed of foundation see: MNM 1902. VIII. See also Mátray 1868. 12. Henszlmann in his article written on the Hungarian National Museum, despite regarding the encyclopaedic structure of the collection as evident, deemed the erecting of a building unnecessary and supported his view with unfounded international examples, Henszlmann 1990, 226-240. (n. 163) The model for the MNM still remains unclear. The deed of foundation signed in 1802 was preceded by the draft for the British Museum of London and the Muséum Nationale of Paris. Toldy (Toldy 1865. 253.) mentions the creation of the MNM as the consequence of 'an affair of a Hungarian society of scholars, raised for the first time before the legislation of 1790'. When József Hajnóczi—free mason intellectual

— became Ferenc Széchényi's secretary and librarian in the manor of Horpács, Széchényi marked out the Encyclopédie for purchase. Márton György Kovachich, elaborator of the plan of the collection of books and manuscripts of the Széchényi library, turning Széchényi's concept towards the founding of a museum, was also a former friend of Hajnóczy's. Kollányi quotes the manuscript of Kovachich on the plan of a National Library, cf. Kollányi, Ferenc: A Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum Története. (History of the Hungarian National Museum). Bp. 1905. I. 41. The first catalogue (that of the medal cabinet in 1807) calls the institute, known in the deed of foundation as Museum: Institut! Nationalis Széchényiani. The Vaterländische Blätter published two articles. The one signed by J. (1810 No. 30 5th January 229-232) informs on the finished plans of the building. The other describes the structure of the Museum. And the second 1813 No. 100 15th Decembet written by Dr Rumi, professor of the Georgicon of Keszthely 593-597) informs us that the collection of natural sciences was founded by countess Julie Széchényi (1813 No. 100. 1st December 593-597). I thank Pál Deréky (Vienna) for the articles on Széchényi's museum. We can first learn of the urging of the erection of a separate building from Széchényi's letter addressed to the king at the return of the library in 1805, transported for safety to Temesvár against the troops of Napoleon. In the letter Széchényi speaks of the Museum, 'this treasure', as being 'admired for the uniqueness of its kind' by both the king and foreigners; quoted in Vilmos Fraknói's biography Gróf Széchényi Ferenc (Count Ferenc Széchényi) 1754-1820. (Bp. 20021902, 187 ff., 234, 243, 246, 247.) János Hild's first designs are published by Zádor 1953, 7 93 Fraknói, op. cit. (n. 92) 235. Kubinyi later emphasised Széchényi's pioneering deed: 'The fond memory of this academic man [...], whose generosity encouraged the establishing

—on the model of our museum

— of the Johanneum in Graz, the Francisceum in Brno, the National Museum in Prague, the Ferdinandeum in Innsbruck, the museum of Linz and numerous public institutes of the Austrian empire, will remain immortal. And thus it is this first rich seed sowed in the fertile Hungarian land by our immortal Széchényi that enjoys priority...' Cf. Kubinyi 1861. 7-8 94 Archduke-palatine Joseph became the direct head of the museum and from 1807 took care of the realisation of the museum project. See: MNM 1902 VIII. The limitation did not originate from Széchényi. (Fraknói, op. cit. n. 92. 256.) According to Gábor Mátray: 'This was why His Majesty Archduke Joseph, our memorable palatine and legal patron of the Hungarian National Museum, always opposed the purchasing of any esteemed object, the connection of which to our country was not provable. In actual fact recently, as an exception, in the interest of the more successful expansion of scientific knowledge and the facilitating of professional studies, the collections of the museums have been broadened not only with domestic but also foreign objects.' Op. cit. (n. 92) 12. The ideas of F. Pulszky concerning the collections and his practice following his appointment as director in 1869 cf. e.g. the study of Szilágyi, János György: T know my place' The Biography of the Other Pulszky. Pulszky Ferenc (1814-1897) Emlékére. (Ferenc Pulszky 1814-1897 Memorial Exhibition). Bp. 1997. (132-146, specially 136). See also Horváth, Hilda: Ferenc Pulszky and the movements in Applied Arts in Hungary. Idem. 165-169. 95 According to Kubinyi: 'this is the very reason why the collections of the institute need be established to serve like a mirror, reflecting the nation's intellectual and material progress or backwardness, so that historians, archaeologists, natural scientists, farmers, miners, industrialists, artists etc. can acquire at first glance a thorough knowledge of all subjects that belong to their profession. Thus every collection should be set up not in order to please only the eye but also so that their usage promotes everyone's, especially the experts', aims and enterprises.' Cf. Kubinyi 1861. op. cit. 3. The anthropological collection was opened with the skull that came from the collection of Miklós Jankovich. Kubinyi on his 1843 appointment travelled among other places to Graz to study the Joanneum, founded by Archduke John (1811). Cf. Mátray 1868. 44. Franz Stőber's print adorns the cover of the catalogue of medals in 1807 and manuscripts in 1815, bearing the emblems of natural sciences, music and painting. See e.g. Catalogus Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Nationalis Hungáriáé Széchényianae-Regnicolaris. Sopron 1815. 96 Mátray 1868. 14-15. On the functions of the buildings of the MNM see: Sinkó 1995, 21-25 97 See Hoh-Slodczyk, Christine: Palazzo - Museum Mausoleum. In: Das Haus des Künstler der 19. Jahrhundert. München 1985. 9 ff. 144 and n. 101. On Pollack's design its name is featured as Rotunda jsic dicta Pantheon]

. On the cult of artists from the point of pantheonisation see Sinkó 1995, 170-220. On the functions of exhibitions cf. Imre 2002, 13-18. 98 'The Hungarian Academy of Sciences asked to be admitted first and then the Trade Association demanded rooms fot its exhibitions. [...] The Kisfaludy Society had similar claims too. All this shows [...] that our society in Budapest saw the building as a cultural centre of unrivalled size and beauty. This theory is also expressed by the erecting of memorial statues of Hungarian poets,' noted Anna Zádor. Cf. Zádor 1953. 19 99 Cf. Fejős, Imre: A Nemzeti Képcsarnok Alapító Egyesület története. (The History of the Founding Association of the National Picture Gallery). ME XVI (1957) 38, 46, n. 12-15 1 0 The objective of the Founding Association the