Nyelvtudományi Közlemények 84. kötet (1982)
Tanulmányok - Riese, Timothy: The Conditional Sentence in the Ostyak Language 229
THE CONDITIONAL SENTENCE IN OSTYAK 231 mich schamanisieren zu bitten, dann werde ich ein Wort mit dir zu sprechen haben' (STEINITZ 73) Serk. tuw käedt üt, ät mg,ndt\ 'wenn sie Lust hat, soll sie gehen' (STEINITZ 235) O toyi noyldhn, %äß ypza %aihn 'ha oda tartasz, csónakba ütközöl' (PÁPAY 134) The lack of a conjunction is by no means only typical of conditional sentences. Many différent Compound sentence types can be förmed in Ostyak without a conjunction. In lieu of a conjunction we can observe the usage of verbal nouns or gerunds or as in the above cases there need be no formal Connecting élément whatsoever, the co-ordinate or subordinate relationship being made clear through context and intonation. The situation is no différent in Vogul and other related languages. It is generally accepted that this feature of syntax (formai parataxis = logical hypotaxis) and the usage of verbal nouns in Compound sentences were characteristic of PFU sentence structure.3 We can safely assume that Ostyák conditional sentences without a conditional partiele represent an earlier stage than those containing ki evén if ki is used nowadays in the overwhelming majority of conditional sentences. It is furthermore likely, as made evident through the related languages, that the protasis was originally an interrogative sentence which gradually lost its independence and now marks the condition under which the action of the apodosis will (or will not) take place.4 In this respect it is interesting to note that INGRID SCHELLBACH5 in her article on the Ostyak interrogative sentence lists ki speeifieally as an interrogative particle and apart from giving its meaning as 'wenn' withholds any comment on its conditional nature. 2.2. In the texts examined from osN there were several instances for the conjunction %undi (in PÁPAY'S texts) or %qn (in RÉDEI'S texts) being used as a conditional conjunction. The main funetion of %undij%qn is, of course, that of a temporal conjunction, but the boundary between conditional and temporal conjunetions cannot always be clearly drawn, a good example being modern Germán, in which the word wenn can be either a temporal or a conditional conjunction, the context deciding which funetion is realized. It should also be noted that the Hungárián conditional conjunction ha was also at one time a temporal conjunction6 used in connection with non-recurring events in the past, i.e. where modern Hungárián requires (a)mikor.7 In STEINITZ'S Ostyak etymological dictionary8 %undi is only listed with the définition 'wann'. Judging from the material available, a complète listing would also have to include the définition 'wenn'. In PÁPAY'S texts we even find %undi used together with ki as an independent conditional conjunction (%undi-gi). A parallel to the archaic Hungárián ha mikor, ha midőn is noted by D. R. FUCHS.9 Condi-3 Cf. RIESE, Some Aspects of the Conditional Sentence in the Vogul Language. NyK 83: 383-384. 4 Ibid. 5 SCHELLBACH, I., Struktur und Funktion der ostjakischen Fragesätze. FUF 35: 56. 6 TESz. II, 7. 7 SIMONYI ZSIGMOND, A magyar kötőszók. III, 103. Budapest 1883. Simonyi gives several examples here for this archaic usage, i.a. Dávid az csordát hagyá egy pásztornak. Oda ha juta Magálhoz táborba, nagy üvöltést hallá. 8 STEINITZ, W., DE WO 444. 9 FUCHS, D. R., Ha mikor, ha midőn. Nyr 39: 280.
