Takács Imre: Az Árpád-házi királyok pecsétjei (Corpus sigillorum hungariae mediaevalis 1. Budapest, 2012)

Type History and Iconography

King Emeric (1196-1204). The typological and compositional difference from the previous “eleventh century-type” royal seals show up most of all in the iconography of the insignia and the depiction of the figure. The first change was that the king-figure on these seal images sits not on a long throne-bench with an ornate front, but on a faldistorium adorned with animal feet and heads. King Emeric’s gold seal (Cat. 21) and thereafter every Hungarian royal seal until the end of the Árpád era again features the long throne bench. We know that in the Middle Ages, the faldistorium was not a throne for normal use, but a symbol of ecclesiastical and secular rank.300 In late antiquity, a collapsible, portable camp chair was an item of ceremony in imperial coronations, and was carried over into English, French and Sicilian royal coronations.

The occurrence of this kind of throne in twelfth- century Hungary throws up several questions. Could there have been a connection between the symbolic throne depicted on twelfth century royal seals and the real throne used at coronations and documented in the sources, the throne of the kingdom (solium regni) Can we infer changes in real coronation regalia from the changes in depiction, as András Kubinyi suggested?302 Did the form of the solium set up in the Church of the Blessed Virgin in Székesfehérvár or its porch, or the occasional throne set up in St Peter’s Church in Székesfehérvár, influence the depictions of thrones on royal seals? Further complicating the question, which cannot be answered on the basis of current knowledge, is that the Hungarian adoption of thc faldistorium frequently depicted in the artistic representation of Western monarchs on twelfth century seals could have occurred simply through the images themselves.303

The other striking difference is that whereas eleventh century seals predominantly convey the royal demeanour by a triangular-fronted clamys and clasped on one shoulder, these do not show a cloak, and the full figure is covered by a long tunic or alba, with border bands emphasised at the hands in the vertical central zone, below and around the neck. The royal seal of Géza II held in Esztergom also has a clearly discernable a row of pearls lining the central band of decoration (Cat. 12). These representations of the throne are accompanied by a high castellated crown with pendants on each side, a large orb bearing a cross,

300 See Schmid, A. A.: Haltstuhl. In: RDKVfcols. 1219-1237;

Pcroni, A.: Haltstuhl. In: I.M IV, cols. 253-254.

31)1 On the question of the medieval Habsburg throne: Deer 1971, pp, 51-54; Hiigcdi 1984, pp. 255 273; Koller 1972, pp. 7-20.

302 Kubinyi 2001, p. 75.

303 A representation of th<z faldistorium was a known feature of Hrench royal seals from the early twelfth century.

and a conventional lily sceptre. Any components of twelfth century seals that differ from these regalia can in every case be traced to direct models. The half-figure depiction of Géza II on his lead seal (Gat. 13), the cloak drooping at the front and the half-moon shape under the figure, although oversimplified and misunderstood motifs, are derived from the gold seals of Emperor Frederick I or Emperor Lothair III (figs. 17-18).304 305 The vestments worn by King Emeric on his seal derive from the royal seal of Philippe Auguste II of France.303 Géza II’s lead seal is an exception. The king does not hold a sceptre, but an orb bearing a cross in his right hand and a Latin cross in his left. In order to ascribe some significance to this unique assemblage of insignia, we must consider the Árpáds’ long-standing eult of the cross relic, which was invested with political currency during the reign of Géza II.306

The use of the terms “royal seal”, “royal sign”, “royal great seal” and “principal seal” (sigillum regiurn, sigillum regiae majestatis, signum regiurn, sigillum principal) in charter seal clauses became customary under Géza II.30" Apart from these, the sole surviving royal lead seal and the seal clause of one document prove that seals struck in gold (from the same die as the lead bull) were in certain cases suspended from royal charters. The royal charter confirming a donation to the chapter on the occasion of Archbishop Martirius’ altar consecration in Esztergom in 1156 shows that on special occasions both the royal seal and the king’s gold seal were suspended from charters.308 * * * The sigillum regale and sigillum regiae majestatis are also referred to in the seal clauses of charters issued by Stephen III and Béla III.

3114 Bartonick 1924, pp. 20-26.

305 Bartonick 1924, pp. 20-26.

306 The small but powerful Holy Cross reliquary taken on the Galician campaign. The writer of the Russian annals considered it to have been Iking Stephen’s. Hodinka 1916, pp. 183 187, 193-195. Mentioned in connection with the case of Vladimir: Kovács 1984, p. 420.

307 1 146 : Hit ut firmius roborctur, regiurn sigillum adhibetur sub testimonio procerum, quorum nomina hie notatur ... nótárius regis Barnabas, hums cartulc scriptor et sigillator. PRT I,

p. 599; In 1 152, in Lady Margaret’s deed of gift: Scriptor vero huius cartulc Barnabas, sigillator Nicolaus. CAH, p. 62. c. 1151: ...regio signo signati firmitcr saneciuit. PBHL; fragment of his wax seal kept in a separate case; PRT I, p. 602; CAH, no. 22, 56; from 1 152: ...hac sigillo regie maicstatis muniuit. Veszprc’m, Kápt. mit. Keel, et (lapít. n. 3.; CAH, n. 23, 57; in royal charter of 1 157 confirming ispán Valter’s foundation of Giissing: ...et idem iussu regis regali et totius regni sigillo principali roboravit. PRT I, p. 604.

308 ...privilegii paginam cancciri constitui, et regii impressione

sigilli, tarn aurei quant cerei, tocius regni assensu stabiliri feci.

Esztergom, Cliapt., mit. Lad. 67. fásc. 1. n. 1.; MonStrig I,

p. 107; CAH, n. 26, 61.

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