É. Apor (ed.): Codex Cumanicus. Ed. by Géza Kuun with a Prolegomena to the Codex Cumanicus by Lajos Ligeti. (Budapest Oriental Reprints, Ser. B 1.)
L. Ligeti: Prolegomena to the Codex Cumanicus
26 L. I-IGETI along the routes to distant lands. Persian was Marco Polo's «language of travel» as far as China. It is hardly an accident that the Great Khan's letter to the pope was translated for Plano Carpini from Mongolian into Persian so as «to be easily understood». For this same reason, Eljigidei sent a letter to the pope in Persian. One could fare well with this language on the frequent journeys to Khwarezm; it was spoken and understood in Urgenj, too. Tranoxiana was also a Persian speaking are at this time. 3 1 There can be no doubt, of course, that the Italian colonies had trade (and missionary) relations with the Persian Hkhans. 3 2 On the other hand, it is well known that the peaceful existence of the Italian colonies largely depended on the leaders of the Golden Horde, who, in turn, were hostile te the Ilkhans, but had favourable connections with the bitter foes of the Hkhans, the Egyptian and Syrian Mameluks. The Mameluks, as we know, obtained their slaves in the northern ports of the Black Sea. 3 3 At this point, a question related to the place of origin of the Codex must be raised: Which Italian colony was in greatest need of the Persian language? 3 1 P. Pelliot, Notes sur l'Histoire de la Horde d'Or, pp. 164 —165. He reiterates his iong-established view that «le person est la seule langue orientale, que Marco Polo ait vraiment connue et pratiquée à la Cour mongole.» Several examples bear out his position in his great, unfinished, posthumous book: Notes on Marco Polo I —III, Paris 1959, 1963, 1973. Disregarding now the Persian terms of Levantine (partly Arabic) origin in Polo's works that found their way in to the Latin of the age, let us refer only to some Chinese place names which have come do.vn to us through merchants using the Persian language. One of them, Qardandan, is nothing else than P Zar-dandan "Gold-teeth", which, in turn, is the translation of Chinese Chin-ch'in. RaSIdu-'d-Din relates that the province got this name because its men and women covered their teeth with gold (Notes I, pp. 603 — 606). Tlie Japanese name of Cipingu (var. zipangu) also occurs in the Persian historian's works, which in fact reflects the Chinese Jih-pan-kuo (Notes I, pp. 599 — 600). There are two interpretations for Pidisanghin : either P Pül-i Sang-kan «Sang-kan's bridge», or P Pül-i sangin «Stonebridge». The latter is more probable, since it is a genuine Persian expression (Notes II, p. 812). Facfur is the Persian title of the Chinese emperor; cf. P fagfür (Notes II, pp. 652-661). Cf. R. Grousset, The Empire of the Steppes, p. 307. 3 2 G. L. Br&tianu, Pecherches sur le commerce génois dans la Mer Noire au XIII ' siècle, Paris 1929, pp. 180-191. B. Spuler, Die Goldene Horde, pp. 393-398. Grekov — Jakubovskij, Zolotaja Orda i ee padenie, pp. 83 — 87. B. Grekov—A. Iakoubovski, La Horde d'Or, la domination tatare au XIII e et XIV siècles de la Mer Jaune à la Mer Noire (Bibliothèque Historique, Paris, Payot), pp. 72 — 97. The presents sent by Baibars, Sultan of the Mameluks, to Berke include (p. 80) «des tapis de prières avec des baldaquins ( ?)». The right meaning of this suspicious word is a special textile coming from Baldak (the name of Baghdad) (see note 62). 3 3 B. Spuler, Die Goldene Horde, pp. 405 — 406. Grekov —Iakoubovski, La Horde d'Or, pp. 115 — 117. The latter authors lay special emphasis on the fact that the slave-trade was very profitable for the Genoans, and every so often they came into conflict with their Tatar lords for kidnapping Tatar children. G. I. Bràtianu, Actes des notaires génois, de Péra et de Gaffa de la fin du treizième siècle, 1281 — 1290. The documents of Kaffa only