Gunda Béla et al. (szerk.): Ideen, Objekte und Lebensformen. Gedenkschrift für Zsigmond Bátky - István Király Múzeum közelményei. A. sorozat 29. (Székesfehérvár, 1989)
Lajos Vincze: Women, Sex and Herd in Peasant Pastoralism
Sexual activities of both Hungarian and Rumanian herdsmen are largely influenced by their long isolation from women and the social life of the village. Because of their solitary ways, many of them have never married. In Hungary, particularly herdsmen working year-round deep in the swamp, remain celibate. To satisfy their sexual needs, herdsmen try to establish secret liaisons with peasant women. These affairs, however, are risky. If discovered, the herdsman is strictly punished by communal authorities (Gunda 1970, 173; Gunda 1973, 143—151). In spite of the risks, it seems that herdsmen succeed in attracting considerable female attention, since they enjoy the fame of being great lovers (Gunda 1975, 17; Györffy 1941, 10). Often, on the pretext of washing and mending cloths, some loose village women approach the team and offer their sexual services. Herdsmen call these women közösanyák (common mothers) (Nagy-Czirok 1959, 261). Beside these, herdsmen can find sexual satisfaction among female servants of the inns (csárda) scattered in the wasteland of the puszta (Gunda 1970, 172; Tálasi 1936, 25). As a consequence of their solitary life, homosexuality and even bestiality occur with some frequency among the herdsmen (Gunda 1970, 172; Tálasi 1936, 25; Szabó 1970, 207). Both homosexuality and bestiality are severly punished. Old town documents attest that the punishment for bestiality was death for both the man and the animal (Gunda 1970, 173). Rumanian society appears to be more tolerant with the sexual exploits of the herdsmen. There are no communal ordinances which restrict their stay in the village when their duties permit them to do so. Their relationships with women are judged no differently from those of other villagers. Here again, however, shepherds devoted to certain specific functions must remain celibate, since marital and family obligations may upset the strictly regulated work of the team (Vulcänescu 1970, 228). In fact, many of them do not marry. Because of the lack of women in herding camp (as a rule, bäcife are not promiscuous), shepherds try to establish sexual relations with some of the many women who wander about in the nearby forests collecting wild berries, mushroom, etc. (Herseni 1944: 153). In the village, shepherds may participate in social gatherings, talk, and dance with women. They are usually too shy and clumsy; therefore, they frequently remain without female company (Nistor 1973, 469). Aspects of sexual life (Bowling Green) In attempting to explain the existence of magical taboos among Rumanian peasants, Rumanian scholar Nicolae Dunäre (1964, 258) suggests that the prohibitions have been imposed upon herdsmen by the stock owners in order to preserve the cleanliness in the processing of milk. This care about cleanliness is related to the belief, observed in many cultures, about the impurity of women and the dangers to men having sexual relations with them during critical periods. However, this interpretation—justifying one magical belief with another—states only the relationship between the two, but fails to shed light on the underlying causative factors. In my view, there are sufficient functional reasons for the restrictions regarding female participation, which ultimately may account for the existence of the taboos. The milking season coincides not only with the greatest amount of work, but also with the time when herdsmen are the furthest away from human settlements. The abstinence, imposed by these factors, heightens the sexual appetite. Under these circumstances, the presence of women among herdsmen, good numbers of whom are unmarried, would represent a disturbing element for the orderly execution of pastoral duties. It may lead to jealousies, neglecting of duties, and subverting the authority structure. Animals and their products are important economic assets, therefore, discipline and cooperation of the team members must be maintained (see Vincze 1974). The feasibility of functional explanation is supported by the fact that in Hungary similar prohibitions subsist without magical justification. Reasons given by the people are rational rather than magical. The owners and communal authorities disapprove the herdsmen’s sexual activities because “they are harmful to the herd” (Gunda 1974, 238). They lead to the neglect of duties and represent a breach of contractual obligations. Herdsmen themselves dislike the presence of women in the camp. According to them, women are of little help, only stand in one’s way. Moreover, they are gossipy and may divulge the herdsmen’s many fraudulent dealings (Nagy-Czirok 1959, 227). Most of all, women are not fit to endure the hardship and dangers of the pastoral life (Nagy-Czirok 1959, 39). These practical justifications of the Hungarian stock raisers fulfil the same role as the magical taboos of the Rumanians. If this is so, it is theoretically sound to assign priority to functional factors. In other words, it seems likely that the causes, which account for the existence of magical prohibitions, are, after all, of functional nature. Lajos Vincze Conclusion 211
