Levéltári Közlemények, 38. (1967)

Levéltári Közlemények, 38. (1967) 2. - FORRÁSKÖZLÉS - Karsai Elek: Iratok a Smuts-misszió történetéhez / 237–249. o.

Iratok a Smuts-misszió történetéhez 245 I consider this attitude in all the circumstances justified and would recommend that step« be immediately taken for the settlement of the future political frontiers between Hungary and Roumania. In order that what has happened may not appear like a rebuff to the Great Powers I would — subject to the reservation mentioned below — be in favour of the policy embodied in my draft agreement being carried out, in spite of the refusal of the Hungarian representatives to sign it. That is to say, I would favour the occupation of the zone adopted by me by troops of the Great Powers, but not by Roumanian troops, and the raising of the blockade as soon as the zone has been occupied. The trainload of fats now held up at Agram should be allowed to proceed to Buda-Pest as an earnest of our benevolent intentions. The Hungarian Government in that case to be notified that the draft agreement is being carried out as an Armistice measure, but that political boundaries will be settled by the Peace Conference at Paris. If it could be added that the Hungarian case would first be heard, so much the better. I am, however, loth definitely to recommend the excution of the draft agreement and the occupation of the new neutral zone because I am not conversant with the local military situation, nor do I know what troops would be required for the operation and whether, apart from the Roumanian forces, the Great Powers have sufficient troops left on that front to undertake the operation with safety. I, therefore, make the reservation that this question should first be submitted for the advice of the Allied High Command at Constantinople. //. An Economic and Territorial Conference The Hungarian Government were at great pains to explain to me that, as a Soviet Government, they were not so much interested in territorial questions. Hungary had had an imperialist policy in the past which was one of the causes of its present downfall, and the national sentiment among the people was still strong. The present Government, however, occupied a somewhat different standpoint, and would prove more accommodating on the question of territorial boundaries than a Government inclining more to the Right could be expected to be. They were, however, profoundly interested in the economic questions which were arising from the great territorial re-adjustments. As it was now proposed to cut up Hungary, the country would cease to be an economic entity and would, indeed, become economically impossible, unless its position was safeguarded by economic arrangements with the neighbouring states. They were completely cut off from the territories occupied by the Czecho-Slovak, Jugoslav, and Roumanian forces, and both from a food and an industrial point of view the position was becoming impossible. They, therefore, pressed very strongly that the settlement of political frontiers should be accompanied by a simultaneous arrangement of urgent economic questions, and they pointed out that an economic settlement would help to render the territorial settlement palatable. This view was so obviously reasonable and sound that I was not surprised to find the members of the German-Austrian Government who saw me also strongly pressing for it. I, therefore, decided to go to Prague in order to ascertain the views of President Masaryk. He agreed that a settlement of urgent economic questions would be most necessary, and that a conference of the neighbouring States, comprising the former territories of Austria-Hungary, should be called immediately for the purpose. President Masaryk considered it, however, essential that this Conference should meet under the aegis and presidency of the Great Powers. . In view of this general agreement, the necessity for such a Conference needs no further argument from me. It is, indeed, not only Hungary's position which ; will become economically impossible under the new territorial arrangements, German-Austria is in as difficult a plight, and unless she can obtain suitable economic arrangements with her neighbours, she must inevitably be driven into the arms of Germany. Besides, the drawing of new lines across the old Austria-Hungary and the prevention of intercourse and communications in which the various States are freely indulging, destroy all chance of the resumption of normal industrial and commercial life, strangle the economic life of these large areas, and by rendering impossible all production and industry, are making it a sure bredding place for Bolshevism and anarchy. As it is both the duty and interest of the Great Powers without any further delay to put an end to this intolerable situation, it is incumbent upon them to call the economic Conference for which these States are clamouring. By assuming their proper rôle of guidance and help in this grave emergency the Great Powers will not only contribute to the salvation of the suffering peoples of this part of Europe,