Krónika, 1946 (3. évfolyam, 2-10. szám)
1946-07-15 / 7. szám
2-IK OLDAL "KRÓNIKA’ 1946. julius 15. But this liberation would be only the first step. Every nation should be given her chance to frankly show her preference. Every nation should have the right to form her own state. Once this phase of disintegration is achieved, the period of (reintegration will come. I firmly believe that our nations have realized \that the time of the small independent states is over. This does not imean that we are not in favor of small states, but that we frankly feel (that the small states will have to yield a part of their sovereignty to a greater common denominator— the federal power. The principal function of the federal power of the united states of the Danube will jbe to further the interests of each individual nation and to control only some parts of their national life, as far as it is essential to their (common security and prosperity. Hence the coming D a n u b i a n federation will have a common line in its economics, foreign policy, and national defense. In the economic field it is generally understood that all custom barriers between the Danubian states should be radically abolished. The laws concerning transportation, air transportation, and traffic jby road should be completely unified. A common currency system (would help to make the flow of goods run smoothly. This would undoubtedly meet at first with a certain number oif difficulties. But these difficulties could easily be overcome and soon replaced by a greater Árchduhe Otto icommon prosperity. Naturally the foreign trade will be a federal matter. The advantages of a common foreign policy and a common (defense are too obvious in the light of recent events as to need com(mentary. The common action of the Danubian nations must be insured by Icommon institutions. Such a common institution would be first of all b federal government which would have executive power on federal Imatters. We would further need a common supreme court, built on the pattern of your supreme court, which would have primarily to decide On the matters of litigations between the states. The common government should be responsible to a federal parliament, which would be built on tihe pattern of your senate, in order to assure each nation and each smaller state the absolute equality inside of the federation. The emphasis in these common institutions will have to be laid on the sovereignty of each of the states participating in the federation. It is natural that the federation will have to lay down certain principles of general policy for all the members. It is generally understood that we would need a Danubian Bill of Rights, which would not only safeguard the rights of the individual but also the rights of the ethnical groups. And here we come to the thorny problem of the minorities. Several statesmen have suggested the idea, that it would be a wise policy to make a huge exchange of population, in order to decrease the number of minorities. We, who are representing the liberal idea in the Danubian area, are definitely opposed to that idea. We fell that this would be a criminal infringement on the right of the citizen to dwell wherever he chooses. It would be an imitation of the crimes of Hitler. We feel that it is our duty to resolve the problems of the minorities without violating the sacred rights of the individual #nd of the ethnic groups. From this point of view we believe to have learned from the mistakes of the past. We know that minority legislation could never be a solution to the problem,' as it was not based on the principal of equality of rights land duties. The minority problem covers the following parts of the (national life: Language, education, and other national cultural activities. These are the fields in which we have to look for a solution. (This solution can be inspired by the understanding that a true democracy must not only insure the equality of rights of individuals but also the equality of rights of the national groups. We will probably need in the Danubian basin a separate parliament, which will have to pass the laws concerning the language, education, and culture. This parliament should be composed of an equal representation of each lethnical group, may this group be large or small, strong or weak. Such an action would be in line with the traditional Danubian policy, as expressed in the Moravian agreement of 1907, which gave rise to /well-founded hopes. This rough outline represents, according to many reliable sources of information, the essence of the hopes maintained by the Danubian people under Hitler’s yoke. But this picture would be incomplete, if we did not put the Danubian unity in the more general aspect of foreign policy and Europen (reconstruction. There is, first, the question of the relations of the Danubian nations with their neighbors. The relations with Italy are, quite, aside from the Fascist issue, today still overshadowed by the Italian domination over large Slovene areas and over Italians, in whose soul still rests the cultural record of their country, understand that Italy cannot dominate by force in our age people who are ready to rise in a new irredenta. Once these questions would be solved, according to the wellknown wishes of the interested populations nothing should stand in the way of a close (collaboration. The relation with the coming Balkan federation should create no great problem, once the borders will be established according to the principles of the Atlantic Charter. The Balkan people will understand that a strong Danubian federation is a vital condition of their own independence. And so we come to the most difficult question of them all: To our relations with the future Germany. We, from the Danube know better than most other nations what is means to have a common border with Germany. There is more than dislike against Germany in our (countries, and still I do not believe that it would be wise for all of us to conclude a peace with Germany in the spirit of unstatesmanlike Vengeance. It is obvious that guaranties must be taken that German aggression cannot occur again. The Germans must understand that their pan-Germanist dream of world domination is over once and for lall. But there are some possibilities to get in the future a better Germany. I say this mainly in the light of an important document, which has recently been published in this country. It is the collective pastoral letter of all the Catholic German bishops. This document not only condemned Hitler’s anti-Christian persecution but it is the greatest bid ifor liberty and decency which has been published inside Germany Isince a long time. It shows us that there are powerful forces in Germany who have the courage to stand up against Hitler: that there are .forces in Germany with which we might deal once the war is won. It is rightly believed in Central Europe that Germany should be placed on a federative basis, leaving the southern and western German elements predominant in Germany, thus enabling them to overrule the Prussian imperialism. With such a new Germany the Danubian federation will be able to entertain peaceful relations, which might prove of igreat advantage for a sound development in Europe. The second question of post-war international relations will be the enforcement of collective security and the creation of adequate international institutions. The principle of the League of Nations is not discredited, because people realize that the League had to be a failure because it had to enforce unsound peace treaties. The people of Central Europe hope that the coming League of Nations, which they are ready to support Wholeheartedly, will be a real international tribunal, to which one can turn with confidence. They hope that the coming League will be a strong League which will impose duties on its members: that it will be a League to which it would be vital to belong and from which it iwould be fatal tobeexcluded. Such a League will have to be supported by a constructive scheme of disarmament which should make the peaceful nations stronger than the potential aggressors. The United States is today on the verge of great decisions. It is about to say the most important word in the coming peace. America Is today supported by the confidence of all the nations of the earth. We central Europeans have a particular reason for deep confidence toward America. More than 10,000,000 of our people have come to these shores and have done pretty well in this country. America knows them as constructive, hard-working, and reliable citizens. They are courageous and have shown this in their underground resistance to the German invaders. If they have not been able to save Europe from Hitler by combined action, it” was not their own fault but the fault of those few statesmen who lost the last peace. I think that given a fair 'chance to live together in peace, the Austrians. Hungarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Croats, and other will be able, with the help of God, to be a Valuable contribution to the world. But if we do the old mistakes all over again, then Central Europe will become, in 20 to 25 years, the starting point of the third World War.