Külpolitika - A Magyar Külügyi Intézet elméleti-politikai folyóirata - 1978 (5. évfolyam)
1978 / 1. szám - KÖNYVEKRŐL - A Szovjetunió diplomáciai dokumentumai 1938.
tawdry, anti-humanist products, and such as openly oppose socialism. The marks of new cultural community of the socialist countries are an active humanism, genuine equality, and harmony between the individual and the community. The propagation of the cultural values of socialist countries in capitalist countries is not determined by a respect for true worth, but by political discrimination and sensationalism. This is linked to decadent trendiness within bourgeois society, including technocratic pessimism, manipulated mass culture, proclamation of the complete autonomy of culture, and the lending of an artificially political caharacter to cultural relations. Köpeczi goes on to discuss the basic principles of Hungarian cultural policy, and the assertion of mutuality in cultural exchanges between socialist countries. He dismisses the arguments used by capitalist countries when they reject mutuality in cultural exchange with socialist countries, finally referring to the Hungarian draft resolution submitted to the Belgrade meeting urging support for the translation and publication of literature written in the languages of small nations. János I. Szirtes: The Western context of the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany The author, basing himself on an examination of the objectives and tactics of German imperialists distinguishes between three periods. Following the War the regaining of independence became the principal objective. German imperialism, seem- ingly giving up traditional power policy, urged the political unity of Western Europe. The Western European framework showed Western Germany as not being dangerous in the context of its partners. Ruling circles expected greater freedom of movement from a transfer of national sovere- ingty to supra-national institutions. The Idea of Europe helped the survival of power, and the warding off of western territorial demands. As complimented by anti-communism and territorial demands vis á vis the socialist countries, and a German policy designed to incorporate the GDR, the strengthening of German imperialism became a part of the struggle between the two social systems for the West. The author uses contemporary West German declarations on rearmament to illustrate the real West German intentions, proving that there was an essential consensus between the Adenauer government and the SPD. Towards the end of the 60s the need to lay the foundations of political influence essentially determined policy objectives. Relying on the country’s economic strength, the ruling circles in the Federal Republic of Germany began to urge their interests more emphatically and openly, putting more weight behind their relationship with their partners in the EEC, and the US. The „Ostpolitik” linked to the name of Willi Brandt meant an adjustment to evolutionary notions in imperialist global strategy. Szirtes argues that relations between the Western allies prompted the new „Ostpolitik” in the first place. The Federal Republic was unable to assert its own ideas within the Western Alliance until it was prepared to do its bit in the international class- struggle in keeping with its own importance. Changes made in the „Ostpolitik” however outgrew the reasons that prompted them, and the „Ostpolitik” turned into az autonomous territory within foreign policy. Relationships with the socialist countries are multi-dimensional as well, and allow the Federal Republic greater freedom of movement in its relations with other western countries. In the third stage, once the period of treaty arrangements within the „Ostpolitik” came to a close, right from the starts of the ’seventies, the aim has been the extension of political influence. European political unity now exceeds in importance relations with the United States. Relying on gradual and slow progress the Federal Republic of Germany aims to create a new capitalist western European world power in which it — owing to its weight — would play the leading role. The new capitalist world power is relied on by imperialism to shift world power relations in a direction unfavourable to socialism. Csaba S%- Kiss: Major trends in Australian foreign pol icy changes Following the Second World War the United States as an ally gradually began to become more important in Australian foreign policy than the traditional loyalty to Britain. During the tenure of the Liberal and Country Party governments headed by R.G. Menzies (1949 — 1966) the country joined the imperialist military blocks (ANZUS, SEATO) and drifted into the Korean and Vietnam wars as the ally of the United States. Immediately after the war in power, and again in the early sixties in opposition the Australian Labor Party (ALP) also showed itself satisfied with the role of „small brother” of the United States and the colonial powers, in support of a Cold War foreign policy. Changes in international power relations, particularly in Asia, in favour of socialism, prompted the US itself to modify its Asian policy. Post- Menzies Liberal and Country Party governments, which continued the Menzies conservative policies, found themselves one step behind the US in this process of adjustment. The ALP in opposition recognized earlier that Australia had to improve her relations with Asian countries that are close neighbours. The ALP championed greater independence and regionalism as the guiding principles of foreign policy. The first part of the article surveys changes in VII
