Itt-Ott, 1990 (23. évfolyam, 114-117. szám)
1990 / 115. szám
AKADÉMIA Gitta Ilona Rományi, Ph.D. (California State University, Northridge): Customs and Traditions in Christening and Namegiving in Hungary (Presented at the Western Social Science Association Conference, Portland, Oregon, 1990) As a result of the political changes occurring in Hungary since World War II the content of the traditional ritual of christening has been altered, but its function of extending quasi-kin relations continues in the modem political context through the practice of namegiving. With the advent of Christianity in Hungary, King St. Steven (1000-1038) decreed that “all citizens have to abide by the law of the church.” This included christening of all infants (Magyar Történelmi Kronológia, Vol.I.:799). It is generally believed that christening and namegiving are the “first need” of everyone who is to become a member of the church, family and society (Szendrey n.d., 161). Today, some customs and traditions related to christening are no longer practiced or have been modified. After the Second World War, for political reasons, christening was replaced by namegiving. Unlike christening, namegiving does not have a religious connotation, but has political and social importance. In spite of political prohibitions, rural families continue to christen their children. Only a few hold namegiving ceremonies, i.e., Communist party officials, or those who hope for career advancement. If the child’s parents and the godparents, or namegiving parents are not consanguines, they call each other koma. Koma is defined as males and females who through customary or religious rites, such as christening or namegiving, form a close relationship. This bond is usually stronger than that between consanguines (Ortutay 1980, 244). Koma can be chosen from Active relatives or affines. Fictive relatives include friends, important officials, or people who are wealthier than the infant’s family. Affines are relatives by marriage, and include parents-in-law, sistersin-law and brothers-in-law. Godparents and sibling’s parents can also be consanguines. These include the child’s parents’ siblings and their children (Hunter 1976, 90). Godparents and namegiving parents represent “spiritual” kinship and are an important component of social life. A kinship system is a network of social ties which represent the social structure of the society... obligations of relationships to one another, and the terms used in addressing or designating relatives form part of this system (Radcliffe- Brown 1950, 13). Not only in Hungary, but also in other countries, godparenting has its roots in early Christianity. Dur-32 ITT-OTT 23. évf. (1990), nyári (115.) szám ing the time of St. Augustine, “sponsors” for baptism were normally the parents (Goody 1983, 195). Around the sixth century, parental sponsorship was changed to non-parental sponsorship, which meant that this sponsor participated in a spiritual birth and became a spiritual parent (Goody 1983, 195). Usually, godparents gave their own name to their godchildren (Goody 1983, 201). According to Gratian, in the Magyar Történelmi Kronológia, “The act of the godfather was likened to an adoption before God” (Goody 1983, 75). The importance of the relationship between godparents and godchildren is evident in many cultures, including rural Panamanian communities, where the bond between the godparent and godchild is “deemed to be a spiritual, sacred relationship... and as one of respect” (Gudeman 1976, 211). Godparents or “compadres” are part of the compadrazgo system, which is a bond “freshly formed for every individual, and each person may build around himself a distinctive compadrazgo network.” These relationships are supported by “religious legitimation,” and last for a lifetime (Gudeman 1976, 223). Usually, godparents are chosen from community members or “other countrymen who live nearby” (Gudeman 1976, 223). The child’s first or Christian name is always a saint’s name (Gudeman 1976, 200). Among Slovene-speaking people, godparents — boter (male) and botra (female) — can be fictive relatives and consanguines or affines. Godparenthood is a great honor, and the godparents are often considered more important than relatives (Novák 1943, 199). Before the child is bom, the parents choose the name, which is usually the name of a parent, grandparent, or of a saint whose “nameday” is a few days after the infant’s birth. In the early 1900’s, the godparents were distant relatives. More recently, closer relatives are chosen. In Serbian village communities, godfatherhood (kum) is inherited in the male line, and if a godfather has only daughters, then the family to whom he is kum has to choose someone else (Halpern 1976, 161). The kum is usually a family friend and he names his godchild. In traditional societies such as the Iban of Sarawak, East Malaysia, and the Navajo, given names are considered special “properties” of the individual. Among the Iban, no ceremony is held when a child is named, and until he is one or two years old, he is known only by a nickname. His real name is chosen from genealogies, dreams of the parents or grandparents, or at least seven names written on pieces of paper, which are placed on the ground and a rooster will pick the name. Whatever the rooster picks will become the child’s real name. It is believed that if a child becomes ill, his real name may be changed, and then he will get better (Rományi 1972, 78). Among the Navajo it is believed that
