Hungarian Studies Newsletter, 1974 (2. évfolyam, 3-5. szám)

1974 / 5. szám

immorality. The sine qua non of national rebirth, he argued, was a revolution that would destroy all formal, “social” relationships between human beings and establish free, “moral” relationships in their place.

These two ideologies, reformist and revolutionary, competed for the allegiance of Hungary’s radical intelligentsia during the years 1900-1919. When the Habsburg Monarchy collapsed in 1918, the post-war governments of Mihály Karolyi and Be'la Kun adopted the ideologies urged by Jászi and Lukács. And like Jászi and Lukács, Károlyi and Kun sought to cover themselves with the mantle of Endre Ady.

László, Leslie. (Columbia U., 1973) “Church and State in Hungary, 1919-1945.” 514 pages. Xerox and microfilm order no. 73-26,621.

Study of the predominantly agrarian countries of pre-World War II Eastern Europe provides an insight into the problems of contemporary societies which are at a comparable stage of development and where the Church remains the principal source and arbiter of moral values.

In Hungary church-state relations were regulated by the Religion Bill of 1848 which granted legal equality to the major religious denominations and recognized the State’s obligation to protect and aid them. The continued preeminence of the Roman Catholic Church, possessor of immense latifundia and defender of traditional values of a pre-industrial society, was challenged by the followers of Western liberal ideas and also by the Marxists. The revolution which followed defeat in World War I swept away the monarchical order in favor of Western type democracy, but soon gave way to Bela Kun’s Soviet Republic which lasted from March to August 1919.

The counter-revolutionary regime of Admiral Miklós Horthy advocated respect for authority and return to Christian morality. The Churches were restored to their former privileged position. The Christian churches of Hungary, first of all the Catholic Church to which two-thirds of the population belonged, yielded considerable influence. The bishops were ex officio members of the Upper House. There were church affiliated political parties, trade unions, social movements and associations, publishing houses, and an extensive press. But above all, the regime assured them a near-monopoly in education. In return, the Churches pledged loyal support to Horthy.

In the thirties vigorous movements were launched within the Churches, such as the giant Catholic Agrarian Youth League (KALOT) which advocated radical political and socio-economic changes, including land reform. With the rise of Nazism priority shifted to the defense of the Christian faith and morals. The Churches participated in the nationwide “spiritual resistance” against the anti-Christian ideologies of Nazism and Communism. Co-operation between Church and State became strained whenever government policies veered toward the extreme right. While the Christian churches must share the blame for promoting anti-Semitism, they did speak out against the Nazi genocide and through their rescue operations saved the lives of thousands. Toward the German installed Arrow Cross regime the Churches adopted the policy of non-cooperation and encouraged resistance. The Prince Primate, Jusztinia'n Cardinal Sere'di, gave his blessing to the underground Catholic resistance movement and the newly formed ChrisDISSERTATIONS (Continued from page 4)

The Churches of Hungary were conservative supporters of the established order and traditional morality, rather than seekers for social change, or promoters of economic modernization. Yet, they did not oppose all reforms. Their various affiliated organizations and movements were instrumental in preparing the public to expect and accept socio-economic changes. In the meantime, the Churches made vital contribution to the ideological and moral rearmament of the nation against the totalitarian currents of the age. This is something that cannot be measured quantitatively, yet it should not be dismissed as irrelevant in the study of the Church’s role in a developing society.

Mocsy, István. (U. of California, Los Angeles, 1973) “Radicalization and Counterrevolution: Magyar Refugees from the Successor States and Their Role in Hungary, 1918- 1921.” 436 pages. Xerox and microfilm order no. 73-23,403.

This study demonstrates the intricate interdependence of historical events and individual and group psychological responses in time of revolution. It has two basic objectives: to trace the process of radicalization of a specific group of victims - the deposed ruling classes of the old society, and to examine the emergence of a counterrevolutionary movement from the ranks of these radicalized persons.

The setting is the Danubian basin after World War I and the victims were the Hungarian ruling classes, specifically the refugees from the Successor States. Between October 1918 and mid-1924 over 400,000 individuals fled to the reduced territory of Hungary from the areas lost to Czechoslovakia, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Austria. A majority of these refugees were members of the pre-war Hungarian elites. Motivating factors influencing migration were fear of actual physical danger; fear of the occupation armies, or of retribution by the local population for past grievances; ardent Magyar nationalism which led them to reject a life under foreign domination; the loss of economic security; and the inability of many to accept the loss of social status. The departure of these persons was strongly encouraged by the new governments in the lost territories through a policy of demagyarization of the state administration and the educational system, as well as by the massive land reforms which destroyed the economic and social powers of the Magyar elite.

The first challenge to the nobility’s pre-eminence in society came from the radical intelligentsia and from the national minorities.Thesecondblowwasdealt by the war and military defeat. This was followed by a political and social revolution in Hungary carried out by the moderate Left and then by the communists. The final and most severe trauma was caused by the national revolutions in the minority areas, which shattered the already weakened synthesis of their traditional identity. The impact of these experiences psychologically primed the refugees for radical action - they were prepared to counter the revolution of the Left with a revolution of their own.

Among the opponents of the moderate socialist government of Michael Károlyi, the refugees, important as a group of radicalized menespeciallythosefromTransylvania, played a prominent and often decisive role in virtually every counterrevolutionary political and military group during 1919 and 1920. They were strongly represented in the Vienna and

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tian Democratic People’s Party.

HUNGARIAN STUDIES NEWSLETTER , No. 5, 1974

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