Hungarian Church Press, 1968 (20. évfolyam, 2. szám)

1968-06-01 / 2. szám

HOP Vol XX Special Number

1968 No 2

111

(07895)

In times of old, the might of the sword, the political power-, had the monopoly of secular authority* Hence Luther and most of tlie Refomers were not in the position to recognize the right of the subjects to resist forcefully, with arms in their hands, the patently evil and unbearable authority« The modern theory of the state, however, recognises the development in the course of which the citizens, too, have become partakers of civil authority and thus also of the power of the sward. Therefore, we can no longer adhere to the unilaterally anti-revolutionary position of the XVIth century« Christian ethics today con no longer attribute to a wicked magistrate the exclusive right to apply the power cf the sword, while depriving the citizens of this right when they straggle against unjust and inhuman conditions which militate against God’s order and the laws cf humanity*

'We cannot challenge anybody’s right of the Christian conscience to desist from all foms of force9 even in revolutionary situations* But, in view af what has been said above, we cannot challenge the faith and Christianity of those either who, after serious inner struggles and heart-searching, have come to the decision to consider the passive contemplation of the suffering of millions a bigger moral failure than the risk of their own lives when they forcefully fight against a profoundly unjust paver structure and for the victory of justice and humanity,, Let us quote here the Report of the Section II cf the 1966 Geneva World Conference on Church and Society;

"It cannot be said that the only possible position for the Christian 1_> cue of absolute non-violence« There are situations where Christians may trecre involved in violence. Whenever it is used, however, it must be seen as an ’ultimate recourse’ which is justified only in extreme situations'’«^)

This means that Christi aus may reach in the conscience a decision which, in a given situation, impels them to fight against the cbsoleie, Linerly untenable and unjust eccnomico-political system and to take part in revolutionary action to the utmost limit of personal sacrifice - in response to the specific imperative of justice and love«

5) And yet this is not the last ward to be said concerning the ethical problem of revolution. We believe that the final and decisive Christian message on this subject is what is also expressed in the closing sentei ce in the Sofia Document; the Christian’s "support for the revolutionary endeavour cannot be inspired by hatred or a faith in violence* It can cnly bo inspired by our sense of oneness with the sufferers in whom Christ meets vis and by our hope for a new and just order and by our readiness to forgive*At the same time,the Christian should bear in mind that he must at all times and in all places witness to and put into practice the possibiliti.es of love even for his enemies, and the possibilities of reconciliation and forgiveness"«®®/

With all this, we have touched upon four cardinal points in the theological assessment of the revolutionary transformation that is taking place in our world« The questions discussed are entirely nc-w; perhaps also