Az Eszterházy Károly Tanárképző Főiskola Tudományos Közleményei. 2002. Vol. 3. Eger Journal of English Studies.(Acta Academiae Paedagogicae Agriensis : Nova series ; Tom. 29)

Csaba Ceglédi: On the Constituent Structure of Infinitives and Gerunds in English

88 CSABA CZEGLÉDI superordinate clause and land in an infinitival complement, producing a fairly acceptable sentence: (38) a. ?The men promised the women to all come to the party, b. ?The men persuaded the women to all come to the party. Such floated quantifiers, as Köster and May observe, may be construed as anaphors with respect to the Binding Theory. Assuming that this is correct, given the semantic interpretations of these examples, the antecedent of all in (38a) is the subject NP the men, and in (38b) all is bound by the object NP the women. The solution, once more, is to postulate an empty subject in the embedded sentences. (39) a. The men, promised the women [PRO

2 to all

2 come to the party]. b. The men persuaded the women, [PR0

2 to all

2 come to the party], (ibid., 137) Now both alls will be bound by the respective PROs. Furthermore, each will be construed with the NP which it was floated off, the construal based upon, and mediated by, the relation that holds between PRO and its controlling NP the men in (38a), and PRO and its controlling NP the women in (38b), given that promise and persuade are marked as subjectcontrol and object-control, respectively. These observations, ceteris paribus, allow us to make the generalization that floated quantifiers are interpreted as floated off the NP controlling the embedded subject. 2.13 Split-Antecedent Phenomena Köster and May (1982:138) observe a very important difference between personal pronouns like they and anaphors like each other: the former may have split antecedents but the latter requires a unary antecedent. The personal pronoun they may be construed in (40a) as coreferring to John and Mary, but each other in (40b) cannot be interpreted as coreferential with the NPs John and Mary, as the ungrammaticality of the example shows. (40) a. John told Mary that they had to leave.