Calvin Synod Herald, 1972 (72. évfolyam, 8-12. szám)
1972-10-01 / 10. szám
4 CALVIN SYNOD HERALD Largely through the double dealing of the King Parliament became so antagonistic that the King had to flee to the North, whereupon in 1642 Parliament raised an army to protect its own interests—and Oliver Cromwell came into prominence. Until that time, though a member of Parliament since 1628, he had in no way distinguished himself (except for one local struggle) in public affairs. He was a moderate politically, favoring with the majority of the House, a constitutional monarchy. He did not advocate the separation of Church and State, but he did want the church purged of the episcopal abuses of Laud and he did want the people to control their Church through Parliament. Generally, he shared these opinions with the majority of Parliament, though there were times during the Long Session that the Presbyterians, advocating the control of the State by the Church, were more numerous. For four years Cromwell exercised his talents as a commander in the field, where he fought the Cavaliers with their own best weapon, the cavalry. By 1643, though his party had been generally victorious, the people had become so apathetic and tired of the skirmishes that they were willing to recall the King on his own terms. Therefore, in the fall of that year, the Scotch armies returned to help their English brethren, demanding for their help this time that Parliament agree to the establishment of the English Church on the Scotch model. Parliament reluctantly signed the Covenant but in such equivocal terms as those promising “a thorough reformation . . . according to the example of the best reformed Churches . . . and . . . according to the will of God.” The Roundhead victory at Marston Moor in July, 1644, was folllowed by strife in their own ranks between the Independents and the Presbyterians. Such events as this determined the ascendancy of Cromwell throughout his career. Parliament had to make a choice, and they chose that branch of the Army which had been most effective — and Cromwell became one of the leaders in the New Model Army. By the summer of 1645 the King was virtually a prisoner of the Parliamentary forces, and from that time until his death attempts were made to bring about compromises. In these negotiations the Army was often a third party, and through the influence of Cromwell, talk of execution was kept at a minimum because he believed in a constitutional monarchy. But in this, as in so many other areas of his political thinking, he bowed to experiency. He saw much of the King’s treachery, and he was very much aware of the chaos that was developing because of indecision—and it was he who finally led the movement towards execution. He was an adherent of Parliamentary government, but he stayed with the Army and set up a military regime. Because Parliament refused to pay the Army as it disbanded, there was so much discontent that Cromwell had to act as their representative to keep the peace. As late as July, 1648, he strove to keep the soldiers obedient to the will of constitutional authority, saying: “What we and they gain in a free way is better than thrice so much in a forced way, and will be more truly ours and our posterity’s. That you have by force I look upon as nothing.” Shortly thereafter he felt compelled to abuse Parliament to the extent of entering its halls with his soldiers and throwing out those members who he felt were obstructing the progress of its deliberations. From that time on he was the military dictator of England, being named Protector in 1653. While he lived Parliament was not free of the sword, but he ruled actually for a very short time, for he died in 1658. Though he did not live to see it—and almost in spite of his actions—Parliament and the common man became the ultimate authority in England; and the King was restored as a Constitutional monarch. In Scotland he reduced the authority of the orthodox clergy whose theocracy was almost as unenlightened as the government it replaced. Through political necessity High Anglicans, the Prayer Book, and any other device which smacked of Royalty were not tolerated, but the Presbyterians, the Baptists, and Independents multiplied many times over, even sharing the benefices of the established Church. In the long run military coercion was no more pleasant than the royal abuses, and the government of the saints survived Cromwell by only two years—though the principles for which it stood have endured. ÍFarren H. Crater c rom we u, c rom we /// Cromwell, I charge thee, fling away ambition: By that sin fell the angels; how can man, then, The image of his Maker, hope to win by it? Love thyself last: cherish those hearts that hate thee; Corruption wins not more than honesty. Still in thy right hand carry gentle peace, To silence envious tongues. Be just, and fear not: Let all the ends thou aim’st at be thy country’s Thy God’s, and truth’s; then if thou fall’st, O Cromwell, Thou fall’st a blessed martyr! ... 0 Cromwell, Cromwell! Had I but served my God with half the zeal I served my king, he would not in mine age Have left me naked to mine enemies. William Shakespeare:—King Henry VIII, Act III, Scene II QUOTED SERMON A Minister was trying to persuade a man to teach a class in the Church School. The Man was well-qualified. He did, however, decline, saying over and over, “I just don’t want to be tied down to things.” Finally the Minister sensed that the man needed some straight talk. In a kindly voice he said, “You know, we have the gift of life because God was willing to be tied down to things. As a matter of fact, HE was nailed down to a cross.” Our current issue of the Calvin Synod Herald — Reformátusok Lapja appears through the courtesy of Pemco, Inc., Mr. William Köteles, President. The cost of printing this issue has been underwritten by this Corporation. We wish to thank Mr. Köteles for his ever present help — we are deeply appreciative. * A Reformátusok Lapja jelen száma költségét a Pemco, Inc—Köteles Béla tulajdonos fedezte. Köszönjük szíves segítségét.
