Amerikai Magyar Szó, 1984. július-december (38. évfolyam, 27-48. szám)
1984-10-25 / 40. szám
12. AMERIKAI MAGYAR SZÓ Thursday, Oct. 25. 1984. MERCURIUS VERIDICUS EX HUNGÁRIA. A Magyar Hírmondó, You know enough about arms to say: Stop! By Jerome Wieener There are four points that, if widely understood, would give the American people the courage to demand that their government treat efforts to halt the arms race as serious proposals. • We must understand the extent to which the United States has been running an arms race with itself. In the process, we've become a military culture — a society in which the arms race is accepted as a way of life. • We must understand that there is no military use for nuclear weapons, and the steady development and accumulation of them increases the danger of ultimate disaster. The only sound role for nuclear weapons is as a deterrent to their use by others. A very few nuclear weapons, certain of delivery, constitute a powerful deterrent. • There are many safe alternatives to the present military policy of achieving security through an all-out nuclear-arms race. • Most important, there's no need for expertise or secret knowledge to understand the principal issues of the arms race Every citizen can be knowledgeable and confident enough to insist on a voice in the critical military decisions. President Eisenhower warned in 1961 about the growing influence of the military-industrial complex His message reflected his frustration at his inability to control the combined impact of the pressures from the military, industry. Congress, journalism, and veterans' organizations for buying more weapons and against his efforts to seek accommodations with the Russians. As a member of the president’s Science Advisory Committee, I saw firsthand how government officials and industrial suppliers of the military collaborated with members of Congress to defeat his efforts. As President Kennedy's special assistant for science and technology, 1 saw how he, too. had to contend with powerful opposition when he chose to continue Eisenhower's efforts. Pressure from the Congress, Defense Department, and outside groups caused Kennedy to build a much larger Minuteman missile force than was necessary. That was hardly the first or the last time that billions of taxpayers' dollars were spent for political rather than security reasons. President Carter yielded on the MX in the hope of getting the SAUT II treaty through Congress President Ford and his secretary of defense, James Schlesinger, because of military pressures, proposed to procure what they called "a limited strategic, war-fighting capability,” which Schlesinger ultimately admitted to Congress was planned for "a highly unlikely contingency.” During the more recent and successful effort to sell the B-l bomber, the manufacturer carefully placed contracts so widely that almost every state and hamlel had a stake in the B-l's future The average stake per state on the B-l was $700 million, and the states of the 20 senators who lobbied hardest for the aircraft were scheduled to get sums ranging from $1 billion to $9 billion. Even more disturbing is the fact that labor unions and chambers of commerce lobbied vigorously for this marginally useful aircralt. even though economic data show that dollars spent foi defense systems produce only half as many jobs as the same amount of money spent on civilian activities. Such pressures, however, are not a problem for President Reagan. He not only accepts most of the ideas of the groups that Eisenhower warned us against, lie has become their most articulate spokesman, espousing an enormous buildup in U S. military power, especially in nuclear war-fighting capability, while at the same time making a shambles of arms-control efforts. What's more, his administration is made up largely of like-minded people, so he isn’t apt to hear a moderating voice from within And the pressures of the defense community only confirm and enhance this administration's intent More than 30 years of confrontational behavior have created a situation in which it’s difficult to talk rationally about how we got here, even among ourselves. A combination of false information, half-baked ideas about successful preemptive attacks and winning nuclear wars, and a phony but authoritative clairvoyance in projections of Soviet forces and objectives have constantly masked opportunities for exploring alternatives. We need to disenthrall ourselves from a sense of aggrieved innocence and appreciate the extent to which our combination of fears and overwhelming technical and economic strength have caused our country to be a leading force in the arms race We need to abandon the idea that innovative technology can ever make it possible to win a nuclear war or protect a nation involved in one from annihilation. We must abandon the belief that there are no reasonable alternatives to the arms race A comprehensive nuclear test ban, a freeze on new weapons testing and deployment, a halt to the development of anti-satellite and space weapons, reductions in the number of strategic weapons, and a weapon-free zone in Europe are some of the suggestions that could be safely put into effect To achieve a national policy that reflects these alternatives, we must disabuse ourselves of the belief that understanding the forces driving the arms race is bevond ihe grasp ol average citizens Most of all. we must become convinced that our democratic nation has been overtaken by the social cancer of a runaway militarism from which only widespread understanding and decisive action can save it. No one knows how to use nuclear weapons in warfare. There are thousands of experts on technical matters, but on the critical issues of strategy, deterrence, physical structures, and the environment, there are truly no experts. None! No one knows for sure about the actual field performance of missiles, their reliability, or their accuracy. Because it's impossible to test nuclear-weapons systems in realistic conditions, uncertainty about their performance in combat overrides the knowledge of the performance of individual components. The layman who argues for a nuclear freeze or a test ban is frequently dismissed because he lacks secret information There are no secrets on the vital issues that determine the momentum of the arms race Each citizen should realize that on the critical issues of what constitutes enough, what is an adequate deterrent, and whether humanity can recover from a nuclear war, his own studied judgments are as good as those of a president or a secretary of defense. The nuclear bomb stubbornly remains the terror weapon wise men saw it to be at its birth The default solution of the frustrated hordes of so-called experts has been to continue the arms race in the futile hope that a magic technical solution will appear. Albert Einstein once said that Clod would not shoot dice with the universe. Man should not play such games either. Waiting for a technical solution is a futile gamble We need to reevaluate our premises and rethink our priorities. We need to stop amassing nuclear destructive power Jerome Wiesner, former president of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, wrote this for the Los Angeles Times. SPORT SPORT A DETROITI PETŐFI KM 11255 Allen Rd. Apt. 420. Southgate, Mich. Leny Anna elnök. Tel: 563-7276. Lapkezelók: Miklós György, Tel:287-2856 Szőke Pál 19118. Henry St. Melvindale Mich. 48122 A lappal kapcsolatos mindenfele ügyben forduljanak bizalommal a lapkezelókhöz. HOL KAPHATÓ A MAGYAR SZÓ? Delray Party Store 7900 W.Jefferson Ave. Detroit. Mich. , ! Az 1984-es ÉVKÖNYV kapható. Magyarország LABDARÚGÁS a bajnokság Állasa ;• Videoton 7 5 1 X 14- 6 11 2. Bp. Honvéd 7 5 11 9- 3 n 3. Csepel 7 5 - 2 10- 4 10 4. Pécs 7 4 1 2 11- 7 9 5. Tatabánya 7 3 2 2 12- 6 8 6. Debrecen 7 3 2 2 8- 6 8 7. Rába 7 3 2 2 10-11 8 8. Ü. Dózsa 7 3 1 3 8- 6 7 9. Ferencváros 7 3 1 3 10- 9 7 10. MTK-VM 7 2 2 3 9- 8 6 Zalaegerszeg 7 2 2 3 9- 8 6 12. Békéscsaba 7 3 — 4 8-15 6 13. Eger 7 133 5.12 5 14. Haladás 7 2—5 5-9 4 15. Vasas 7 1 2 4 7-12 4 16. SZEOL 7 — 2 3 2-15 2 Góllista 5: Kiprich (Tatabánya). 4: Ráfi (Pécs). SZOMBAT, október 20. VIEL FORDULÓ CSEPEL - DEBRECEN SZEOL - RÁBA ETO HALADÁS - UP. DÓZSA HONVÉD,- VIDEOTON FRENCVAROS- PÉCS MTK-VM - BÉKÉSCSABA ZTE - VASAS TATABÁNYA - EGER 0:1 1:2 1:0 0:1 0:1 3:0 1:0 2:0 Hollandia—Magyarország U2 Rotterdam, Feyenoord-station, Jv.: Daina (svájci). Hollandia: Van Breukelen - Silocy, Spelbos, Rijkaard, Wijnstekers - Gullit, van de Kenkhof, Valke - van der Gijp, van Basten, Kieft. Magyarország: Andrusch - Sallai, Garaba, Varga - Kardos, Nagy, Detári - Kiprich, Nyilasi, Esterházy. ZURICH: Összesen 24 klub több, mint 90 ezer svájci frankot köteles befizetni az UEFA-nak. A "vétkesek" között van a Videoton is: a Dukla Prága elleni székesfehérvári mérkőzés külön meg nem nevezett szabálytalanságai miatt ezer svájci frank a büntetése. Peter Ueberroth, a Los Angeles-i nyári olimpiai játékok szervező bizottságának elnöke sajtótájékoztatón ismertette az ötkarikás játékok pénzügyi mérlegét. Ismeretes, hogy a négyévenként megrendezésre kerülő nagyszabású sportesemények történetében ez volt az első magánvállalkozáson alapuló olimpia, amely üzleti vállalkozásnak minősült. Ueberroth elmondta, hogy a játékokat 150 millió dolláros haszonnal zárta az amerikai szervező bizottság. DAVOS: Jégkorong EK-mérközésen a helyi együttes 17:4 aranyban legyőzte a FTC csapatát. Visszavágó: október 25.
